With the imposition of Competency Base Training (CBT) the development of skill formation processes, based on assumptions of 'multi-tasking' and 'just-in-time' training has been seen. As Toner (1998) has shown for NSW, the government contribution to the training of skilled trades declined from over 10 per cent of the total in 1986/7 to less than 2 per cent ten years later. Toner has indicated that the cause of this decline has been corporatisation/outsourcing. ( cited in Pickersgill, 2001, p.125)
The restructuring of the economy and the workforce have highlighted the importance of skill aquisition as a means towards employment and product market competitiveness.
The industrial composition of the workplace has profoundly changed over the past quarter of a century. As summarised in the report Towards a Skilled Australia (cited in Connell & Burgess, 2001, p.9)
"Workplace skills are intensifying. Technical skills are no longer sufficient. At all occupational levels, employees need more generic [soft] skills (such as the ability to communicate effectively). Employees no longer merely perform repetitive tasks. They often work in teams; they take greater responsibility for quality; they solve problems; they work with advanced technologies".
In today's dynamic ever-changing world, where technology is rapidly growing, it is indispensable to be highly-skilled and multi-skilled. There is a further imperative for IT skills as all industries and occupations become computerised. Technology can enhance skills, make old skills redundant and lead to new types of skills emerging. Computer skills are becoming an important attribute for job entry and carreer progression. Computers and IT are an important part of the process of upskilling. Training itself can in turn be transformed through the availability of on-line and self-learning packages.
Changes in the occupational composition of employment in Australia are strongly favouring those jobs defined as high skill and low skill, while jobs in the three middle skill levels have declined relatively.
Another cassification of occupational change is presented by Maglen and Shah (1999). Their classification uses categories that have a particular focus on gobalisation and rapid technological change. They build on the analysis of Robert Reich ( 1991) who identified three broad sets of skills that underpinned the global knowledge economy. These set of skills are, symbolic analytical services, which involve the manipulation of symbols: numerical, visual, scientific, musical and electronic. They include problem identifying, problem solving, and strategic brokering activities. These services can be traded globally and are open to competition from foreign providers and even their own domestic market; In person services, which refer to services provided on a person-to-person basis. The market for these services is in the domestic economy; and lastly, Routine production services, which entail so called blue, white and pink collar work that is repetitive and done at one step at a time. Workers providing these services are often employed in high volume enterprises whose finished products are traded on the global market (cited in Curtain, 2001, p.104-105).
Employment restructuring has also taken place. There has been a gradual feminisation of the workforce, and an expansion in non-standard employment arrangements, especially fixed term, part-time and casual jobs.
A majority of the workforce is employed as full-time permanent employees, but it is clear that casual employment is the dominant form in Australia of what can be called 'non-standard' employment. According to Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) figures, almost 2 million employees were classified as 'casual' employees in their main job in August 1999. ( Campbell, 2001, p.62)
The age groups with the highest proportions of employees employed as casuals in August 1998 are the 15 to 24 age group (45 per cent) and the 55 and over age group (28 per cent). (ABS,1999b). (Curtain, 2001, p. 108).
Studies also show that casual workers tend to work in lower skilled occupations. Generally, the proportion of casual decreased as the skill level of the occupation group increased. The other aspect of the change in the nature of employment is the increase in part-time work, particularly for men. In the last 10 years, the growth in the number of men working part-time has outstripped the growth in the number of women working part-time.
Casual employees in Australia enjoy remarkably few rights, benefits and forms of protection. Casual employees suffer significant disadvantages in comparison with permanent employees. Starting with a lack of entitlement to paid holiday leave and paid sick leave, casual employment is characterised by a general shortfall in protection.Campbell said,
" It is certainly true that casual employment appears as a highly 'flexible' form of employment . The lack of rights, benefits and forms of protection associated with casual status allows it to be used in a diverse variety of ways; it gives it a high level of plasticity" (2001, p.78).
Casual employees are also much less likely than permanent employees to participate in formal training activities. There is also evidence of casual workers undertaking training in their own time in place of the low levels of employer provided training.
Connell and Burgess (2001) suggested that access to skills and training is not equal across the community. Where private investment in skills is required, the uneven distribution of income and wealth will limit individual access. Where product market conditions differ between firms and industries, the ability to access employer funded training will also be uneven. Training is an ongoing process, as such continued access to training is often associated with job and skill characteristics. Those with the higher jobs and with high skills have better access to further skill aquisition.
Statistics show that average training hours per employee are declining and that: employees in small enterprises (less than 20 employees) receive around one third the training hours of employees in large enterprises ( over 100 employees); part-time employees receive less training than full time employees; and casual employees receive less training than permanent employees (Curtain, 2001).
This training deficit carries worrying implications, for casual employees and for the meduim-term health of individual enterprises and the economy as a whole. Campbell (2001) argues that this training deficit represents one of the major features of casual employment since it may facilitate skill shortages, poor planning, inadequate innovation and a slow down in productivity growth. As a result, the training deficit points first of all to a disadvantage for many casual employees, who may be trapped in a degraded job unless they have the resources to pursue their own training.
It rises questions and dilemmas for public policy. It is suggessted that public policy to remedy the training deficit may need to intervene at the broad level of casual employment itself. There are of course formidable barriers to such a redirection of public policy.
The current arrangements in the form of apprenticeships and traineeships are quite restrictive. The apprenticeship system as it operates in Australia is first and foremost a system of employment and only secondarily a system of training. Traineeships in many cases are a means of providing a means of probationary low cost employment rather than as a means of foundation training for further skills aquisition or retraining in new job areas.
Two specific policy proposals that can provide better access to training opportunities are: individual traineeships that are independent of a training contract relationship with a particular employer; and the creation of individual learning accounts as a mechanism for all stakeholders to contribute to the funding of opportunities to undertake training leading to recognised outcomes such as formal qualifications.
The most important shift from a policy perspective has been the shift in the allocation of public resources from the supply tothe demand side in VET. The VET system in Austaralia is an amalgam of arrangements between government, TAFE, private trainers, industry and employers. The system is based on providing modular training requirements to meet the training needs of employers.
The regulatory framework that has developed over the last decade and in which the emerging training market is expected to operate more efficiently and effectively can be summarised as having a number of key points: A system of National Qualifications (AQF) and recognised competency standards; a Quality Control System which regulates providers; Competitive tendering arrangements for Commonwealth funding; User Choice for contracts of training whereby funds follow students; an increased emphasis on Structured Entry Level Training under New Apprenticeships; and the availability to public and private providers of standardised training packages for contracts of training ncluding assessment criteria.
Skill formation has been regarded as critical to the effective performance of the nation-state economy, for both maximizing competitiveness in organisations and as a key variable in determining labour market and earnings outcomes of individuals. There is a new emphasis on skill-based competitiveness (Lewer & Gallimore, 2001, p.142).
The threats to forms of high skill level structured training come from three directions. The first is the progress of attempts to deregulate the labour market. The second problemin providing meaningful occupational based training arises from the changes in curriculum that originally occurred as part of the industry and award restructuring process. Lastly, it is important to reject the model associated with allowing the demand side to lead.
It is evident that there is indeed a training deficit, and it is arguable that the existing stock of skills is not being adequately replaced while new areas of need are underdeveloped. It is clear that despite attempts to modernise the National Training Regime by aligning it with the needs of industry and making it more flexible and portable, there are doubts about the ability of the regime to meet the skill requirements necessary to sustain a competitive and modern economy.
Reference List
ANTA (1998), Bridge to the Future: The National Strategy for Vocational Education and Training 1998-2004.
Available:
http:anta.gov.au/dapstrategy.asp.
Pickersgill, R., (2001) Skill Formation in Australia Beyond 2000, 121-139, International Journal of Employment Studies, Vol. 9, No.1, April 2001
Connell, J., & Burgess, J., (2001) Skill, Training and Workforce Restructuring in Australia, p.1-24, International Journal of Employment Studies, Vol. 9, No.1, April 2001.
Curtain, R., (2001) Flexible Workers and Access to Training, p. 103-120, International Journal of Employment Studies, Vol. 9, No.1, April 2001.
Campbell, I., (2001), Casual Employees and the Training Deficit: Exploring Employer Contributions and Choices, p. 61-102, International Journal of Employment Studies, Vol. 9, No.1, April 2001
Lewer, J., & Gallimore, P., (2001) Are Outsourcing and Skill Formation Mutually exclusive?, p. 141-162, International Journal of Employment Studies, Vol. 9, No.1, April 2001.
