Critically evaluate the extent to which marriage has been and is likely to remain a convenient legal concept in regulating the family.

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Question: Critically evaluate the extent to which marriage has been and is likely to remain a convenient legal concept in regulating the family.

The institution of marriage has always been perceived as the cornerstone of society.  It is the organising concept or nucleus around which society has traditionally regulated all important aspects of family life.  Although it may mean different things to different people today it is traditionally the means by which legitimate, heterosexual, familial relations have always been created in English law.  As more couples choose to live outside the formal institution of marriage so legal regulation of familial relations has also changed.  The answer will focus on tracking and explaining changing patterns of relationships, family forms and living arrangements and analyse these changes and same-sex cohabitation and how likely marriage will remain the convenient legal concept. As trends in this issue are having demographic consequences and policy implications, analyses are also needed about the current debate concerning the possible change in law over the rights of cohabitees and same-sex partners.

Legal marriage requires prerequisites and formalities and should be compared with the lack of formal constraints on cohabiting couples. Marriage and cohabitation are not the same although there is much pressure from all sides, not least from government circles to regard them as equal.  Before we evaluate marriage with other types of partnership it will be appropriate to define marriage and cohabitation generally. Marriage used to be defined as ‘The voluntary union for life of one man and one woman to the exclusion of all others, however, Thorpe LJ attempted in Bellinger to re-define marriage as: ‘Marriage has become a state into which and from which people choose to enter and exit.  Thus I would now redefine marriage as a contract for which the parties elect but which is regulated by the state, both in its formation and in its termination by divorce, because it affects status upon which depend a variety of entitlements, benefits and obligations’. Cohabitation in contrast to marriage is marked by less commitment within unions of men and women (or same-sex partners) to each other and to their relationship as an enduring unit, in exchange, as is supposed, for more freedom.

In 2000 there were about 267,961 married couples and perhaps a further million or so unmarried; more importantly, perhaps, one in three births were non-marital. Both these ratios have dropped sharply over the last 20 years, during which period the legal recognition of extra-marital cohabitation has grown with its social acceptability. It may be helpful, in deciding whether to ‘approve’ of the ‘legal differences’, to consider the likely reasons for this trend. They probably include: a reluctance to envisage permanent pairing; the view that only procreation merits marriage; distaste for the gender-stereotyping associated with role allocation in marriage; a desire to escape divorce; a dislike of state regulation; irreverence; wariness, etc. It should not be forgotten that living together can be achieved at will and without expense, and that the declining social disapproval has been increasingly self-fulfilling. Times have changed. In the Edwardian era, Darling J felt constrained to say (of a cohabitant) ‘I do not think that it makes any difference whether the defendant is a common prostitute or whether she is merely the mistress of one man’. In the 1980s, Griffiths LJ was ready applying the on beneficial ownership to couples whose relationship was intended to ‘involve the same degree of commitment as marriage’. Perhaps we are following the trend in some Scandinavian countries of establishing cohabitation as a socially acceptable alternative to marriage, rather than a mere preclude to it.

In the historical context, until the enactment of Lord Hardwicke’s Marriage Act 1753, English Law required no formal procedures at all for the creation of a marriage. If a couple agreed between them that they were married, that sufficed to create what is called a ‘common law’ marriage. English law now prescribes quite elaborate formalities with which those who wish to be legally married must comply if the rights and duties flowing from are to arise.

Why do we regulate couple relationships at all? Is it to encourage marriage? Is it to ensure rights when a marriage ends, for example to make provision for children? If the latter, functional approach is taken, then it is necessary to acknowledge changing trends in family relationships and consider alternatives to marriage at the level of legal regulation. There appears to be quite widespread misunderstanding about the differences in legal status between cohabitation and marriage and this has important implications in the choices people think they are making. There is also confusion about what legal remedies are available following breakdown. Furthermore, few cohabitants make provisions in wills or make legal agreements about joint ownership of property.

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So far as the outset of the partnership is concerned, English law accepts Article 16 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, whereby: ‘Men and Women …have right to marry…’ There is a similar provision in Article 12 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) which also, in Article 8, protects the right to respect for private life. Yet the ECHR has not so far permitted transsexuals to marry in their gender of choice, although the court there stressed that Convention States should keep their laws under review in the light of changing medical opinion and in 1995, a Gender ...

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