A Race Relations Act was introduced in 1965 by the Labour Government at the time. The act was supposed to give blacks a legal basis to combat discrimination. The act had limited powers but it did reflect the growing concern in Government regarding racism among the public. Two further Race Relations Acts were passed in 1968 and 1976 which may have seemed to have been a progressive move by government to tackle racism until it is twisted into hypocrisy when we see that the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1968 was brought in. The Act was a direct reaction to the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya. It aimed to keep the Black asylum seekers out of Britain, even those with British passports. In 1971 a Conservative government passed the Immigration Act whereby only a person with a parent or grandparent could enter Britain. Even today the Immigration and Asylum Act of 1999 under a Labour government has received criticism from the left wing press and the British Refugee Council for being too draconian. Under the act asylum seekers will not receive food or shelter if they do not make themselves known to immigration officials within 24 hours of their arrival in the UK. These older and more recent acts reflect increasing government stringency on immigration. Was this immigration policy a reflection by government of the views of those who had put them in power, the British pubic?
Throughout the 1950s there were numerous violent riots throughout the UK. There was also a marked increase in what is now known as “Hate Crimes” perpetrated by white youths on the black population. Political parties also sensed the public mood regarding immigration and racism and were quick to find that this could help them in elections. The most blatant and disturbing of all examples was in the 1964 Smethwick by-elections where a traditionally safe Labour seat was won by a Conservative MP with the election slogan “If you want a nigger for a neighbour vote Labour”. This was a decisive sign of racism, more than the hate crimes and riots. This was an election and by definition; a representative majority made its views known. The Conservatives played on public paranoia and xenophobia and used it to gain themselves an extra 40 points in opinion polls between 1966 and 1970 while Labour appeared soft on the immigration issue. Enoch Powel, an MP during the 1960’s, was vehemently opposed to the influx of Jamaicans into Britain. His reasoning was that he wanted to ensure the survival of the British way of life. He was swiftly dispatched from his position in the shadow cabinet for comments such as “rivers of blood” would flow from the racial violence caused by black immigrants. These comments were deemed unacceptable hence his sacking however, comments made in July of 1967 by Duncan Sands MP in the Daily Telegraph like “The breeding of millions of half-caste children would merely produce a generation of misfits and create tension” were greeted with distaste (for their openness perhaps?) but not with castigation.
The National front was established in the same year (1967). The public, as you can see from above, was more open to listening to racist remarks and ideas so it is unsurprising that the National Front, with its main policy of deportation for immigrants to their former home countries, was not met with as much revulsion as it is today. “During 1976 and 1977 the National Front managed to gain at least respectable support…this success allowed it to maintain an active profile in the era during what, in many ways, was the high point of its national influence”
Popular opinion was also reflected in a poll taken in 1959 by Gallup. The results showed that only 24% of those surveyed believed that feelings between blacks and whites were improving. This figure dropped to 18% in 1965 and went even lower to 6% in 1968. In 1965 over half the population (55%) believed blacks raised serious social problems.
The race riots of 1958, the numerous immigration acts passed by parliament in the 1950s, 60s and 70s coupled with the outrageous comments by then MPs and the rise of the National Front, all point to a racist post-war Britain on a national level. The legislations introduced by consecutive governments were a reflection of public opinion. The worrying thing about the comments from Conservative MPs at the time was that they were elected democratically by a majority. It could be argued that they were a mouth piece for their constituents; therefore, this was not a minority view being expressed. Enoch Powel, when he made the comments that led to his dismissal, was not an isolated back bencher or even a local councillor, (most disturbing of all) he was a member of the shadow cabinet, the opposition party’s proposed replacement for government if they win a general election.
As to whether or not Britain is racist in comparison to other countries is a separate question. Germany had the persecution of the Jews, Gypsies, and any other minority group that wasn’t blond haired and blue eyed under the Nazis, so pre-war; they really set the bar as to levels of racism. France had a similar post-war labour shortage as Britain and turned to its former colonies to fill the gaps in the economy. As a result, France still has major issues regarding racism to this day as indicated by Jean Marie Le Pen’s second place in the first round of the French presidential elections. This caused shock waves around Europe but France wasn’t the first country to show its far right leanings. Joerg Haider’s Freedom Party shares power in government in Austria. And last but not least, who can forget the British National Party winning 5 council seats in local elections. It has been argued that the BNP is picking up disenfranchised far right, traditionally Conservative voters but the parties xenophobic views are still being chosen at the ballot box. Britain was previously an overtly racist country but now seems like a country struggling to reconcile its right wing tendencies with a more modern and accepting outlook as reflected in modern racial equality and discrimination laws.
Bibliography
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Haynes, Aaron. The State of Black Britain (Both Volumes); Hansib Publishing Ltd., 1996
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Jackson, Peter. Race and Racism; Unwin Hyman Ltd., 1987
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Owusu, Kwesi, Black British Culture and Society; Routledge, 2000
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Shamit Saggar, Race and Politics in Britain; Campus 400, 1992
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Smith, Susan J., The Politics of “Race” and Residency; Polity Press , 1989
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Solomos, John, Race and Racism in Britain; Macmillan Press Ltd., 1994
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Solomos, John, Race and Social Change; Routledge, 1995
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“The Rise of the European Right”. Online 15th April 2003. Available http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/1944157.stm
Shamit Saggar, Race and Politics in Britain, Campus 400; 1992, P111
John Solomos & Les Blacks – Race, Politics and Social Change; Routledge; 1995, P61
