Conservatives believe in ‘benign paternalism’ that the landed classes have the necessary upbringing and authority to lead those who are not able to judge what is good for themselves. This is justified considering human imperfection and that society is stability seeking. “We are not sent here [to parliament] to represent the opinions of our constituents their rights we are bound to protect; their general interests we are bound to consult but not to their will, unless it shall coincide with our own sense of what is right”. They however do not see their authority as an absolute power but as to guide society without unwarranted pressure.
Burke theorised In ‘Reflections of the French Revolution’ how the French revolution would degenerate into terror and dictatorship. The revolutionary destruction of hallowed customs would not improve the world but fragment it. Authority he asserted preserves traditions, which contain the “accumulated wisdom and experience of past generations”. Frenzied revolutionaries destroy these resources. Authority permits human beings to evolve whilst preserving the inheritance of past civilisations, this, which is founded on centuries of evolution, is preferable to the uncharted waters manufactured by irrational revolutionaries.
Burke argued that the stability of British intuitions derived from their having grown almost organically, as society had changed. The British constitution, not being written down, or ‘imprisoned in words’, had a dynamic element, which operated as a safety valve. Burke accepted that a “state without means of correction was also a state without the mean of conservation”. This was epitomised by the absolutism in France, the stubborn resistance to change of the French authorities caused the tension to be released as revolution. In contrast, Britain’s authorities absorbed such pressures by acceptance to change.
Modern day conservatives hold traditional hierarchical institutions in high regard. Traditional institutes, whether they are the monarchy, aristocracy or even private property, as a dependable wealth of experience, providing continuity and encouraging diversity. People belonging to these intuitions are secure in personal circumstance and therefore are able to behave altruistically. Furthermore, these intuitions provide familiarity to a stability seeking society, a complete dissimilarity to new established institutions. Although these institutions are respected, they are not sacrosanct and conservatives accept that they should have mechanism for change. This evolution should be in a pragmatic manner and not due to radical change.
Burke believed that inherited rules and institutions embody the cumulative knowledge and experience of preceding generations, his main point was that the process of cultural advance is utterly dependent upon the absorption and transmission of the cultural inheritance over time. Received tradition is not only the foundation of civilized society, but of the structure of mind, reason, moral values, language, perception, behaviour; in short, of all the learned rules whose observance distinguishes the human from the animal.
Such views were advocated throughout his work, especially in Reflections of the French Revolution. The French revolution proved dictum that ‘revolutions devour their own children’. The National assembly redefined everything before them, then the Legislative assembly did exactly the same; the result was that France was not only devoid of any long standing institutions but after ‘le grand peur’ was also without any aristocracy or landed authority. These Burke argued had stood the test of time and must therefore have positive attributes. The stubborn resistance to change of these institutions had resulted in a New France with no experience or tradition. Burke advocated “change in order to conserve”, that if the institutes reformed around their good points it would allow for some continuity in the future instead of the complete unknown France was faced with. Reform of traditional institutions would aid future generations, creating a common ground for all society to build upon. The contemptuous dismissal of ‘irrational’ tradition as had happened in France, the desire to ‘wipe the slate clean’ and design society anew, merely testifies to a profound ignorance regarding the nature of social reality.
Burke saw the main characteristic of the new enlightenment period as the cavalier dismissal of ‘irrational’ tradition as mere superstition and prejudice. Through enlightened eyes, inherited values, institutions and customs seem the very embodiment of ignorance, ‘reason’ as the tool that would liberate man. “It is with infinite caution that any man ought to venture upon pulling down an edifice, which has answered in any tolerable degree for ages the common purposes of society, or on building upon it again, without having the models and patterns of approved utility before his eves”
Conservative thought is based upon the fallibility of the individual; often described as the “philosophy of human imperfection” conservatism believes that the individual is dependant and fear instability and therefore needs society. Conservatives believe that Government is instituted to serve man’s wants and needs, but often we are unaware of our true wants and needs. Burke advocated, "the individual is foolish . . . but the species is wise." The individual often fails to recognize what is in his best interest or on the other occasion is the victim of our own passions and drives. Conservatives therefore believe there is a need of a power outside of us, a power which we do not necessarily consent to but will restrain our passions. This can be clearly seen in their views on crime; conservatives believe that it is not necessarily a product of social conditions, but due to natural greed and selfishness. It therefore cannot be solved by appealing to the moral of the individual but by installing the fear of government and punishment.
Conservatism shares with liberalism a firm commitment to an individuals’ right to private property, a stark contradiction to socialism and communism. Conservatives make two arguments for the justice of strong property rights. The first deriving from john locke, suggests that individuals have a natural right to property and this right is transferable. Hegel developed the second argument; he suggested that private property rights are essential if an individual is to be free and able to exercise their freedom. Conservatives therefore suggest that property is a component that enables an individual to have a stake in society; therefore, as we are greedy individuals, in order to maintain what we hold we are inadvertently safeguarding society. As conservatives believe in the good to society, they recognize the claims of authority or community must sometimes have precedence over the rights of individuals. This is why present day conservatives accept the principle of the welfare state including progressive taxation and public provision of basic goods
On reflecting on the situation in France, Burke argues that the attempt to create a new constitution in France and alter basic institutions in property and religion will lead to violence and disorder. Burke argues that the revolutionaries who were armed with abstract notions of liberty, equality and fraternity were willing to tear down the edifice that had existed for generations. Burke saw the role of property in society as a means to assure continuity, he saw it not only as fostering a responsible ruling class but also ensuring stability for future generations.
Society is another characteristic of Conservatism. They advocate a natural, organic state with the maintenance or the building of solidaristic unitary communities, a stark contrast to an artificial one based on planning. Conservatives believe that society is more crucial than the individual, that benefit to society should precede the benefit to the individual. In modern times this explains why conservatives feel that progressive taxation in order to run the welfare state is acceptable. Although this may seem socialist, conservatives do not believe in the redistribution of income and defend the unequal distribution of property, authority and power; they instead see these disparities as a means to motivate poor talented people to move up the wealth ladder; a theory backed by the fallibility of humankind.
Society is seen as organic as it develops naturally, being the most comfortable situation for humankind; any effort to tamper with the system would only serve to undermine the confidence of individuals within it. Conservatives use the analogy that organic society life is flexible, adaptable and self-perpetuating. It is a mechanism in which each individual has a role to play, the slow development and betterment of the individual serves to benefit society and provide a stabile environment, which is a human need.
Burke, along with the Romantic poets, preferred to base society on evolutionary nature, making it "a permanent body composed of transitory parts". Burke wrote, "People will not look forward to posterity . . . who never look backward to their ancestors". His famous definition of society was contract between the living, the dead and those who are yet to be born. Each individual is merely a cell in a larger body. The individual cell dies, but the body carries on; therefore, it is the body that matters. If we accept that we are citizens in an "eternal society", we must never turn our backs on tradition because this age-old wisdom is the experience of our society. Tradition is a better guide to action than is abstract reason.
Burke likened society to a large family and extended the principles that bonded families. He believed that families had instant closeness because they had developed naturally and that they share common languages, history and traditions. Burke fostered the ideas of “one family, one body, one heart and soul”. He felt that individuals are to put the nation first as we do our families, he denounced nations who helped foreigners whilst oppressing their fellow countrymen. "To transfer humanity from its natural basis, our legitimate and homebred connexions, to lose all feeling for those who have grown up by our sides.... and to hunt abroad after foreign affections is a disarrangement of the whole system of our duties." He felt charity should begin at home but of coarse it does not have to end there. This can be seen today in policies of the current conservative party, especially in their policy on Europe.
Although Burke believed in a moral equality of mankind, he did not view egalitarianism as a political programme on two grounds. Firstly, it involved levelling people down, as they cannot be levelled up. Secondly, equality undermined the natural order of things, nature being hierarchical. Burke believed that, "Political equality is against nature. Social equality is against nature. Economic equality is against nature. The idea of equality is subversive of order". He believed that defying nature was untenable and thus equality as a fiction. Equality he saw as an abstract principle, which those who advocated it were unready to accept, lest endangering their own privileges and therefore he believed it could not be applied to directly solve practical problems.
This essay has clearly identified the considerable influence Burke has had on British Conservatism. Although there are many different individual stances within conservatism, the five pillars of British central conservative thought have been founded from the political creed of Burke. In reflections of the French revolution, burke outlined many of his political viewpoints. The necessity of stability and experience was paramount throughout his work. He thought, as many modern conservatives that tradition and an organic society are fundamental principles, this can be illustrated by Burkes condemnation of what the legislative assembly had done and how modern day conservatives support traditional institutes and the monarch. Similarities are also obvious concerning the fallibility of humans and the need for authority in society. Both Burke and Conservatives advocate for the need to change in order to conserve, that power is never absolute however there is a need for authoritarian intervention ensuring the common good for society. In each aspect of modern conservatism a direct comparison may be made to the dogma of Burke and therefore it is credible to consider Burke the ‘father of modern conservatism.’
Bibliography
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