In the past research into the experiences of people in non-western cultures were conducted by Western Psychologists, who may have had difficulties understanding the ‘local’ people, their experiences and even their language (e.g. Margaret Mead). As a result the findings of he studies may be biased and based on pre – conceived expectations of other cultures. However, more recently, this situation has improved – research is conducted by psychologists with a better understanding of the people they observe. Nevertheless, there are always sampling issues for any research. In addition, there it is questionable whether those people being studied present themselves in a ‘true’ fashion (I.e. there is always the possibility of demand characteristics)
AO1 - Concept of adolescence as socially constructed by the West to dissuade child labour & the implications of this
It has been suggested that the concept of Adolescence was socially constructed following the process of Industrialisation, in order to dissuade child labour. If this is the case, then the problems associated with this period of life (adolescence) can perhaps be seen to reflect cultural determination. That is to say, that wherever industrialisation has not occurred, ‘storm and stress’, as characterised by conflict, crisis, identity diffusion & moratorium might not be observed.
It is possible that exposure to he ‘universal’ culture of the American media (e.g. TV, internet, etc) may act to reduce cultural differences in the experience of Adolescence. TV and the Internet represent an immediate and accessible medium for ‘exploration’ and provide perhaps ‘stereotyped’ representations o ‘popular’ norms and values (e.g. programmes such as ‘friends’ and ‘Dawson’s Creek’). As more people are increasingly exposed to such media we may find that the cross – cultural differences observed become less pronounced and apparent. That is to say that non – western ‘adolescence’ may become ‘Americanised’ and vice – versa.
AO1 - Experiences of Adolescence in Western Vs. Non-western cultures in relation to the achievement of adult identity and status (e.g. rites of passage in N-W cultures, moratorium in W cultures)
Our experiences of adolescence in Western societies do tend to involve this ‘moratorium’, whereby the individual is faced with ‘teenage’ life. Life as a teenager in the Western world brings with it choice and the challenge to develop a sense of ‘self’ (identity), becoming increasingly self-reliant (autonomous) before achieving adult status. This may involve first developing a ‘group’ identity, via a clique, who serve to support the individual in their pursuit of ‘who they are’. Experiences in such cultures that may symbolise a ‘rite of passage’ may include learning to drive, leaving school, gaining employment and/or having sex for the first time. In comparison, In Non-western societies, no such ‘moratorium’ exists and instead, elaborate rituals or ‘rites of passage’ and/or initiation ceremonies mark the ‘coming of age’. An example of such ceremony is observed in West Africa, whereby males in late puberty are prepared for their adult male role by the community. The boy is ‘spirited away’ following a ceremony, only to return ‘years later’ with a new (adult) identity. This identity is decided upon by the ‘elders’ and is symbolic of the boy being considered mature enough to adopt his new role and responsibilities. That is to say that the boys ‘adult status’ is decided upon by and for the group i.e. their ‘sense of self’ is sacrificed for the good of the community.
Rites of passage are rituals that mark an individuals transition from childhood to adulthood. Some societies have elaborate ceremonies to mark this. The lack of significant rites of passage for adolescence in the West may mean that the attainment of adult status is ambiguous for adolescents in such cultures. In addition, young people are given adult status at varying ages.
AO1 - Storm and stress? Research from Blos and Margaret Mead
Given that adolescents in the West lack a definitive ‘coming of age’ it is perhaps less surprising to see that the development of identity and autonomy are delayed in such adolescents. This cross-cultural difference can be further illustrated by the research of Margaret Mead, who studied teenage life in Samoa during the 1920’s. In her book, “the coming of age in Samoa”, she described adolescence as an ‘age of maximum ease’, documenting no evidence of storm and stress. She also highlighted that the community was sexually liberated, with young people being encouraged to explore, with little emotional turmoil.
Research by Margaret Mead has been criticised. Freeman (1993) suggested, that whilst she studied the Samoan community in great detail her command of the local language was poor, she was “conned” by some of the teenage girls she interviewed and she “saw” what she wanted to see which lead to researcher bias. This means that her findings may be non – representative of a truly ‘non – western’ non- industrialised society, since the people being observed and interviewed may have presented themselves in a more positive light, in response to her investigations. Therefore the conclusion drawn by Mead lack validity, as her observations did not ‘measure’ what they set out to do and are subject to demand characteristics.
AO1 - Extension material = Differences in sexual practices
Anthropologists found that a remote island off Ireland was one of the most sexually naïve cultures in the world. Knowledge of the basic facts in adolescence – menstruation, intercourse, conception was virtually non – existent. The Polynesia on the other hand believes hat adolescent sexual experience is extremely important.
Historical differences within our society, Research has shown steady increase in the number of adolescents. Having intercourse before the age of 16
