One of the main goals in gaining complete black autonomy was land ownership and economic independence for blacks. Following the Civil War, many blacks argued that their hard work as slaves entitled them to a portion of their former masters’ land. Southern whites, however, denied the blacks of this arguable right. It was left up to the state governments to take action and issue land distribution plans. The strong opposition from whites and even some Republicans to black land ownership, based on racism and fears of economic instability, stifled any government action. Left in poverty, many blacks, Burns argues, were forced to depend on their former masters for work, developing strict bargaining relationships with them in exchange for the paternalistic one that had existed during slavery. Foner argues that this dependence was not all bad; blacks were able to embrace the free-market, saving up money to purchase small luxuries, such as clothing and different foods. Ultimately, however, no land was distributed and Reconstruction failed to provide blacks with economic autonomy. Burns argues, through evaluation of other regions where slaves were emancipated, that if land had been distributed, blacks would have been productive on it. Foner, on the other hand, argues that due to the National banking system, Blacks would have been unable to obtain a loan to purchase supplies for the redistributed land, leading to ultimate failure.
Another goal on the path to complete black autonomy was black education. Organizations such as the Freedmen’s Bureau established schools for blacks, but most of the major developments came from within the black community. Foner argues that the blacks made reasonable progress in education. They held classes in any suitable area, and communities even taxed themselves in order to pay the numerous costs. By 1870, blacks had expended $1 million in education. Burns argues, however, that these efforts were enough to educate only a fraction of Southern blacks. State government aid was needed to ensure the success of the black educational institution; unfortunately, this aid was not presented. Southern whites, through fears of educating away a labor force and fears of racial integration, demonstrated strong opposition to black education. The state governments were unable to overcome such deeply rooted attitudes. With the failure of the education program, land redistribution and economic stability, black suffrage then became the crux in the battle for black autonomy. Black suffrage followed a similar path as black suffrage, however, succeeding in the beginning but ending as an overall failure. The 15th Amendment provided that the Federal and state governments could not deny the right to vote; the amendment proved successful, according to Foner, through the significant amount of black politicians that were elected to legislative positions during Reconstruction. Yet, the amendment failed to outlaw suffrage denial through mobs and other private organizations. Burns argues that Southern whites used all possible loopholes in this weak policy to prevent black voting: they issued poll taxes and literacy tests, closed polls early and opened them late, and formed mobs to prevent blacks from even reaching the polls. Although the Enforcement Act was passed to outlaw such actions that hindered the right to vote, it needed a large amount of Northern troops to enforce it. As the troops thinned out throughout the South, black suffrage died away, leaving Reconstruction as a complete short-term failure.
In the long-term, however, Reconstruction established the roots of the modern black community and the Civil Rights movement. Foner argues that during Reconstruction, blacks were able to form their own community. They separated from the white church and formed their own, which became the religious and social center. Blacks worked on plantations to earn a living, and although they became dependent on their masters, they were able to save up and enter the free-market. Blacks also formed their own educational programs that, although weak, made relatively good progress. They exercised their right to vote when it was still possible, and Ministers, teachers and other black community leaders served as political leaders. This small but stable community created during Reconstruction would eventually build up to become the black community of today. In fact, much of the legal strategy of the Civil Rights Movement was based on Reconstruction laws and Amendments, proof of its lasting influence.
Both Foner and Burns agreed that Reconstruction was, in general, a failure. Reconstruction was ultimately too weak; in order to fully succeed, it would have needed to revolutionize Southern society. Foner, however, argues that the black community built during Reconstruction helped build the modern black community. While land redistribution, black education and black suffrage failed and thus failed to help win black autonomy, the laws and Amendments of the Reconstruction helped blacks win their autonomy and, in turn, suffrage, education and economic stability, during the Civil Rights Movement.
