One of the main strengths of the pluralist model is the way in which it looks in detail at the role of journalists and broadcasters in terms of the structural constraints on their role. It locates the news-gathering role of journalists within a social context that focuses upon the way organisations are bureaucratically organised, limiting the ability of journalists and broadcasters to interpret events in ways that conflict with various dominant ideologies. Secondly, the pluralist model focuses to some extent on the role of the media audience, assigning them a much more active role in the general process of interpretation than has traditionally been the case with marxist models. A case can also be made in relation to the audience being able to select the information they receive from a wide variety of different sources. On the other hand, it is evident that the model has certain weaknesses, not the least of which being the overemphasis on the relatively neutral role played by the individuals involved in the gathering and dissemination of information. Similarly, the power of advertisers tends to be downplayed, both in terms of their financial support for various media and in terms of their influence on an audience. The very fact that advertising is such big business suggests that it must influence public opinion in some way - and if advertising can have this effect then it seems unrealistic to assume that all aspects of media content do not have an effect upon their audience.
For functionalists, the relationship between ownership and control of the media centres on the importance of there being a range of views on offer through newspapers, magazines, television and so forth. In this respect, social stability is considered to be best preserved by there being a reasonably wide range of different media from which people can choose. Specifically, ownership and control is seen as being separated. The function of owners (individuals or multiple shareholders) is an economic one, whilst the function of management (the controllers of media output) is one of ensuring the content of the media appeals to as wide a range of people as possible. Thus, highly popular publications (for example, daily newspapers selling millions of copies) sit alongside more-specialist publications (those that cater for minority tastes). Ultimately, in a democratic society the consumer will determine the success or failure of an enterprise; the content of the media, in this respect, is seen to be largely consumer-driven. If people do not like what is being offered they can refuse to buy a publication or they can seek-out publications that do offer them what they require. Since the media are an economic enterprise dealing with cultural values there is invariably a tension between making profits (where the medium is privately owned) and highlighting moral issues. The fact that newspapers, for example, may risk alienating some parts of their readership by supporting unpopular cultural issues is evidence of the multi-functional role of the media. Given the emphasis upon the cultural role of the media it is hardly surprising, for functionalists, that the most popular forms of media should be broadly conservative and supportive of the status quo, since this is one of their main functions.
There are a number problems that can be identified with functionalist perspectives on the media. Firstly, in methodological terms, when functionalists talk about social consensus they tend to ignore the idea that such a consensus may be more apparent than real. That is, they tend to discount the idea that consensus, where it exists, may be the result of the imposition of a particular ideological framework. In simple terms, marxists tend to criticise functionalist perspectives on the basis that ruling classes are able to impose a dominant ideology upon the rest of society. The role of the media in promoting common values can be seen as promoting the values of one particular class, rather than the values of society as a whole. The idea that the consumer of the media is the ultimate judge of success or failure tends to ignore the idea that people are encouraged to want what the media offers (rather than the media being encouraged to offer what the public wants). This is particularly evident in relation to the interpretation of just who the consumer of the media actually is - many sociologists have argued that advertisers are the real consumers of the media. The media provides a diet of programming that will deliver-up to advertisers the size and audience composition they require. The media do not reflect equally all points-of-view in society. Some views are marginalised and downgraded because of the political perspective of newspaper owners, broadcasters etc.
For instrumental marxists, the role of the mass media in capitalist society is that of ensuring that the views and interests of a ruling class are presented to the rest of the population in such a way as to ensure that people accept as normal and right the inequalities inherent in capitalist societies. The main function of the mass media, therefore, is one of social control (the attempt to control the behaviour of other classes in society). This is achieved through such means as:
- Denying access to competing views about the nature of the social world.
- Presenting a picture of social life that is invariably favourable to the interests of a ruling class.
- Directly influencing the way in which other classes receive information about the social world.
In relation to the above, therefore, it can be noted that the content of the mass media is inevitably biased (both directly through privately owned media such as newspapers, television channels and so forth and indirectly through publicly owned media such as television).
From this perspective the relationship between ownership and control of the mass media is relatively clear and straightforward. Owners have ultimate control over the nature of an organisation, although in modern capitalist societies they tend to employ a wide range of managers to deal with the day-to-day control and operation of the organisation. However, managers can be employees like any other employee (they can be hired and fired etc) or part owners of an organisation (through share options and the like). It is clear that those who manage an enterprise only ‘control’ its operation in the sense that they oversee its operation. Ultimate control resides with the owners of an enterprise. For example, the editor of the Sun newspaper may have control over such things as the stories that go into the newspaper each day, the hiring and firing of employees and so forth. The owner of the Sun ultimately controls such things as the political stance of the paper, the type of audience it is aiming to reach and so forth.
Feminist strands generally believe that the media is partly responsible for creating images, stereotypes and expectations for women. These images are hard to live up to and have also been accused of trivialising women, ignoring the real issues that women face and placing them literally on face value. Therefore it was made very hard for an intelligent woman to gain her rightful place in society unless she resembled portrayed images. This is most certainly a negative social effect as it is contributing to the position of women in society. The three strands of feminism have slightly varying views on the media and its representation of women. Liberal feminists that socialisation is the main cause for misrepresentation of women in society. They believe that society is presented with sex roles which have become embedded in its culture. So the media’s representation of women simply reflects these already embedded images and messages.
Liberal feminists do not believe that the media plays no part but that it is not wholly responsible however it should present a more balanced and accurate picture of women.
Radical feminists also believe that the images are already apparent in society through patriarchy. They believe that men use the media to manipulate women. They also believe that issues which affect women are omitted from the media or become trivialised, similar to the liberal feminists response.
Socialist feminists blame the economic structure of capitalism for the media’s portrayal of women. They argue that women are expected to give their labour cheaply and serve as the reserve army of workers. The power of the companies that own women’s magazines is concentrated in male hands. The function of women’s magazines is presented as being pastoral, giving them solutions to their problems and promoting a code on how to be a woman, ensuring that the woman will try to fulfil these codes. Body image is just another one of these codes and is detrimental to the self-esteem of women. Aside from this is the expectation that a woman should be able to cope with a full time job and be the main career for children
“The Politics of the Media” is written from the pluralist perspective and uses secondary sources (both quantitative and qualitative) therefore there is a tenuous link between theory and method. The main findings of this study were that the tastes of readers change over the years as society changes and the content of rival newspapers change. That it is consumers and not editors or owners who ultimately determine the character of newspapers. Where proprietary influence survives, it is still deferential to readers’ influence. It also states that although the economic divide between classes is ever decreasing, the cultural gap between them is not. The study was useful in examining the media from a pluralist perspective and as a pluralist author, achieved his aim. It also provides valuable insights into the media world. However it is very much a one sided approach and therefore is biased. Evaluation of the evidence used is difficult, as the research sources used are not cited. The study suggests that it is public pressure that leads to media content, this vastly under estimates the power of those in positions of control.
“The State in Capitalist Society” is written from a marxist perspective and there are no specific research methods identified. This study looks at what influences the nature of the contribution that the mass media makes to the political climate. The main findings were that as the majority of the mass media is found in the private domain, that ownership and control were a large influence. The owners can use their newspaper, magazine etc as a vehicle for their own personal views. Although it was stated that sometimes editors etc are afforded a certain degree of independence (within boundaries). Another influence was found to be that of capitalist interests of advertisers. Government and other sections of the state system also have a degree of influence within the mass media.
“Teenage Girls, Jackie, and the Ideology of Adolescent ‘Femininity’” is written from a feminist perspective and uses observation of a magazine as its main research method. The main findings of this study were that the magazine was seen as a form of entertainment for teenage girls and that there is media bias towards females in what their aspirations should be. It found that the magazine reinforced socialised stereotypical roles of women as homemakers etc. It was also noted that to ‘catch a man’ girls had to appear in a certain way. This study was in depth and achieved its aim. It addressed issues that would not normally be discussed with parents. It highlighted media manipulation of teenagers and showed how gender socialisation is important. However as only one magazine was used there was only one viewpoint on the arguments, it would have benefited from comparisons with other magazines. It also makes the assumption that the readers have accepted the roles promoted by the magazine. The study is also dated, as the magazine is no longer in publication.
“The Amplification of Deviance” is written from an interactionist perspective (which has not been discussed within this essay) and uses secondary sources – through interviews – as its method of research. This study highlights how ‘moral panics’ can be created and manipulated by the media. Cohen cites the public fear of Mods and Rockers in the 1960s as a moral panic.
Excessive media coverage about an issue that may frighten, worry, or out-rage the audience is called a moral panic. The publics fear and anger gets so intense that there is a call for more police protection, politicians have to appear responsive to the public fears, and press for changes in the law. This level of panic only dies down when the public become bored with the same sensationalised story. Journalists search for a ‘new’ topic which, with repeated reporting, becomes the next moral panic. There have been moral panics about mugging, lager louts, devil dogs, football hooliganism, BSE scares etc.
In conclusion, this essay has successfully explained the pluralist, marxist, functionalist and feminist approaches towards the subject of the mass media. The above case studies have also been described to give a better understanding of these theoretical approaches towards the mass media.
Bibliography
N. Abercrombie, S. Hill & B.S. Turner, 1994, Dictionary of Sociology, Penguin Books Ltd
Ballard C, Gubbay J & Middleton C, 1997, The Students Companion to Sociology, Blackwell Publishers Ltd
Haralambos and Holborn, 2000, Sociology Themes and Perspectives, HarperCollins Publishers Ltd
R. Osbourne & B. Van Loon, 1999, Introducing Sociology, Icon Books UK
Worsley Peter et al, 1992, The New Introducing Sociology, Penguin Books Ltd
Sociology class notes
Cohen S, ‘The Amplification of Deviance’, class notes, 2003
McRobbie A, ‘Teenage Girls, Jackie and the Ideology of Adolescent Femininity’, Waites B, (1983), Popular Culture: Past and Present, Croom, Helm
Miliband R, (1973), ‘The State in Capitalist Society’, pg. 203-208, 210, Trader, P. (1987), Active Sociology, Unwin Hyman, London
Whale J, (1977), ‘The Politics of the Media’, Trader P (1987), Active Sociology, Unwin Hyman, London
