The Bolsheviks’ problems were further exasperated when the Kronstadt sailors raised the flag of rebellion in March 1921. These sailors were the same people who established the power of the Soviet in 1917 and who seemed to be loyal supporters of the Bolsheviks. However, many of the sailors were ex-peasants who had connections with the countryside and supported the peasant’s revolt. They also knew that the Bolshevik propaganda about the strikers was a pack of lies. The Kronstadt sailors demanded multi-party democracy and civil rights. This came as a major blow to the Bolsheviks’ regime. Many of the sailors were caught, gathered up and shot without trial. These sailors were once seen as the heroes of the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917. However, they could see no sign of conditions improving for peasants and the working class and no sign of a future Socialist nation. Divisions began to appear in the Bolshevik’s reign. Kollantai and Shlyapkinov helped build a group called the Workers’ Opposition. They wanted workers to be given more control of their own affairs and supported complaints about the reintroduction of single managers and the militaristic organisation of the workplace. They also heavily criticised Trotsky for his plans to make trade unions agencies of the state as well as the state appointing union officials. This debate caused furious arguments within the party by the end of 1920. The party’s leadership position seemed very precarious at this point and it became obvious that not everyone shared the same view on Socialism within the party.
In order to keep power Lenin realised that concessions to the peasants and some form of economic liberalisation had to be implemented. In order to regain lost support from the peasants and others such as the Kronstadt sailors, Lenin realised that War Communism had to be ended in order for this to happen, despite some stern opposition within the party. Trotsky, on the other hand, believed that War Communism should be intensified with the Red army used as a militarised labour force to build Socialism by means of oppression. At this stage Lenin was simply trying to paper over the cracks within his party and maintain power rather than build on Socialism. War Communism was finally ended when the Bolshevik party realised that they would not be able to hold a worldwide revolution. So, at the 10th Party Congress, there was a rethink of domestic strategies.
Lenin began to make peace with the peasantry by allowing peasants to pay tax in kind, enabling them to sell any surplus grain on the open market for their own profit. The peasantry’s support was essential in Lenin’s road to Socialism. They were the biggest supporters of socialism so it was vital that they backed the Bolsheviks’ plans.
The introduction of Lenin’s NEP programme (New Economic Policy) saw key features introduced. By some party members the programme seemed to be a betrayal of the principles of the October Revolution. However, at the Tenth Party Congress the doubters agreed to back the NEP or face the Bolsheviks losing power. Zinoviev said this of the NEP, “I ask you, comrades, to be clear that the New Economic Policy is only a temporary deviation, not a tactical retreat.” The NEP made several astonishing changes to general life. It is astonishing in the sense that many of the features of the NEP went against Socialist beliefs. For example, the ban that was put on private trade was abolished, whilst small businesses were also opened. Socialism taught that all factories, industries etc. were to be owned by the state and not by individuals. So, Lenin’s NEP programme seemed to defy everything the party had stood for. It looked like Russia might return to a capitalist system. Though, the Bolsheviks knew that the NEP was only a temporary retreat and their plans for Socialism would still be their main goal.
Lenin, however, did centralise the state between 1918 and 1924. This was an important aspect of Socialism and showed that the Bolsheviks were in a strong enough position to decide on how things should be run. It also showed that the Bolsheviks had a firm hold over Russia. Between 1918 and 1919, during the Civil War, Lenin was able to nationalise industries and brought them under the control of the Supreme Economic Council. Workers too were desperate for the nationalisation of industries so that factories were kept going and so therefore workers kept their jobs. The nationalisation of industries was a key feature in Socialist ideology. The Bolshevik party didn’t want any private firms in Russia. Privatisation and profit making was seen as a Capitalist trademark, which the Bolsheviks detested. By the autumn of 1919, 80 per cent of all enterprises were part of a centrally directed economy.
The rail system was another key aspect of Lenin’s centralisation plans. Railways were vital for the war effort as it maintained food supplies to the major cities. However, the rail system was collapsing and Mensheviks who could not be trusted dominated the railway union. The Bolsheviks therefore decided that it needed to come under their control in order for the situation to improve. So, the railway system too become nationalised.