Evidence for some of the Bowlby’s claims came from his own study of juvenile delinquents (Bowlby, 1944). A large percentage of these young people had been separated from their mothers in the early stages of their lives. Bowlby believed it possible that this early disruption of the bond between mother and infant was the cause of anti-social behaviour. In the 1940s, an American psychiatrist, William Goldfarb studied a group of children aged between ten and fourteen years who had been separated from their mother before the age of nine months and spent their first three years of life in an orphanage. Goldfarb’s comparative assessment showed that these adolescents displayed deficiencies in speech, intelligence, personality and social development (Goldfarb, 1947). The environment of the institutions have been rated as unstimulating with a high turnover of carers making it impossible for the children to form any meaningful relationships. The above findings are relevant to wellbeing of children in residential care. But what about children who are looked after by their primary carer to whom they are, however, not securely attached? Erickson et al. (1985) found that infants who are judged insecurely attached at twelve months are at greater risk of developing a variety of behavioural difficulties affecting the quality of their relationships later on. Main and Cassidy (1988) studied three- to six-year-olds and found that negative experiences of the first interactions with the primary caregiver affect self esteem, reinforce low expectations of relationships and actions likely to elicit rejection. Main and Goldwyn (1984), who also used and elaborated on Ainsworth’s attachment categorisation, devised the Adult Attachment Interview in order to asses whether patterns of attachment persist into adulthood, namely is it possible to see if mother-offspring bonding styles endure from generation to generation. Main and Goldwyn found that, in fact, they do and 75 per cent of securely attached children had mothers who were categorised as secure-autonomous. However, the evidence and the constructs of maternal deprivation, maternal sensitivity and secure attachment have not remained without criticism.
Theories of attachment proposed by Bowlby and Ainsworth emphasise the indispensable role of the sole and primary caregiver. The reason for this becomes especially evident when looking at the social context of the immediate post-Second World War period in which Bowlby’s theories were conceived. Men, who were no longer engaged in fighting, reclaimed their work status encouraging women to resume their maternal and housekeeping roles. Can the core of these theories be, therefore, questioned on the basis of a socio-political bias? Are the children, who for whatever reasons do not experience the sensitive and continuous attention of the primary caregiver, in risk of developing serious emotional problems? Can other possible types of care be at all a substitute? Some research findings contradicted the Bowlby’s concept of monotropism and have shown that young children are able to form new social relationships with adults and peers and these relationships are lasting and durable. Tizard and Hodges (1978) found that children who spent their first years of life in residential care and then were adopted could still develop positive attachment bonds despite the experience of early deprivation. When examining the validity of the Bowlby’s montropism theory it is also important to consider the role of other family members, such as fathers, grandparents or siblings. In the survey carried out by Weisner and Gallimore (1977) which involved 186 non-industrial societies, it was found that the mothers were taking on the almost exclusively infant caretaking roles in only five of these societies. Research studies (reviewed by Werner, 1991) into black extended families showed that grandmothers are actively involved in child rearing and, in the cases where the mother is employed, assume the responsibility of the primary caregiver. Studies by Hinde and Stevenson-Hinde (1988) revealed that, in the situations of parental conflict, grandparents act to safeguard children’s emotional wellbeing.
When other family members are not able to provide support, working mothers are left no choice but to depend on day care facilities or childminders. What impact do experiences of this kind of care potentially have on attachment and on later social and emotional development of a child? Clarke-Stewart and Fein (1983) have shown that infants whose mothers work still form attachment to them and favour them over other caregivers. Although a substantial percentage of insecure attachments amongst infants of mothers who worked was demonstrated, this, according to Clarke-Stewart, ‘is not large enough to conclude that infants are in danger if their mothers work’ (1988, p. 300). Clarke-Stewart argues also that the insecure attachment levels of children in day care do not automatically indicate that the children are ‘emotionally insecure in general’ (1988, p. 300). Melhuish et al. (1990) observed that children reared in nurseries were more likely to demonstrate positive social traits, such as sharing and empathy with others. Further body of evidence on this matter has been provided by Jay Belsky. As a result of a long-term study, Belsky concluded that there are not many risks associated with day care alone and they are more likely to be a consequence of a variety of accompanying environmental aspects, such as ‘family practices associated with care arrangements’ (1988, p. 257). At this point it is worth adding that mothers may find it difficult to fulfil the demands of ‘sensitive parenting’ not only because of the involvement in work outside the home. Boulton (1983) found that this kind of parenting demanding constant availability and balanced emotional responses does not come naturally and without a price to all mothers. Some often find the experience of motherhood daunting, overwhelming and tedious. Perhaps the answer to this dilemma lays in understanding that involvement and emotional support of significant others are necessary for successful outcomes of children’s emotional and social development. And possibly it is not the lack of constant availability of a sensitive mother that matters as much as the other coexisting circumstances. In other words, children can learn to accept unavailability of the primary caregiver if other quality emotional support is accessible. What happens, however, when the primary caregiver becomes permanently unavailable or unable to provide satisfactory care and there are no other family members at hand to take their role?
Psychiatrist Michael Rutter (1981) emphasised the importance of considering the circumstances in which attachment bonds are broken. Rutter distinguished between the disruption of the relationship resulting from the mother’s death and the distortion of the relationship through the separation or divorce of the parents. According to Rutter (1981), the events accompanying the cases of family breakdown, like stress, family discord, emotional neglect, lack of positive relationships with others and the more generally understood deprivation of institutional experiences are the more likely causes of delinquency attributed to early experience by Bowlby. Therefore, these factors, rather than disrupted mother-infant attachment on its own, were more likely to be blamed. Tizard and Rees (1975) and Tizard and Hodges (1978) showed also that quality of institutional care, including the degree of stimulation provided by the environment, the number of staff involved in care and the duration of stay played an important part in children’s development. The quality of care and the devoted attention have been found to create amazing results. Ranges of studies by Davis (1947), Koluchova (1976), and Clarke and Clarke (1976) involving severely neglected and deprived children showed that, indeed, late remarkable recoveries are possible. Especially interesting is the case of Isabelle studied by Davis (1947). Isabelle was confined to a room devoid of light, and had no contact with others until the age of six. She could not speak and recognise objects or people. However, thanks to loving care and prolonged expert attention her recovery was so dramatic that she was able not only to attend school but she also scored highly academically and was liked by her peers. In the view of new available evidence of this and other kinds, the construct of critical period has been replaced with that of sensitive period when certain types of learning is preferred to take place (Cowie, 1995). This means that, unlike Bowlby proposed, when it comes to the positive outcomes of social and emotional development, the effects of prolonged and extensive damage can be potentially fixed even at the later stages of life.
Although the early theories of attachment stress the role of a single available, responsive and sensitive primary carer as the prerequisite for the thriving child development, there exist evidence which shows that other factors also have considerable impact. Young children are able to form fulfilling relationships with more than one adult. These adults usually include other family members, like grandparents. In some cases when the primary caregiver has other commitments, such as employment, these family members can take over the role of the primary caregiver. Even reliance on the day care or in some extreme circumstances long-term institutional care does not always equate to risk of damage to emotional development. A variety of considerations, such as the circumstances in which the attachment bonds are at risk or have been broken, the quality and the extent of substitute care or possible support of the other family members, have to be taken into account when providing the remedial actions or/and considering further care arrangements.
The total number of words: 2,097.
References
Ainsworth, M. (1985), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 13.
Ainsworth, M., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E. and Wall, S. (1978), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 16.
Ainsworth, M. and Wittig, B. A. (1969), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 14.
Belsky, J (1988), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 21.
Boulton, M. G. (1983), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 17.
Bowlby, J. (1944), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 6.
Bowlby, J. (1953), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 6.
Bowlby, J. (1969), cited in cited in Cowie (1995) p. 28.
Clarke, A. M. and Clarke A. D. B. (1976), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 10.
Clarke-Stewart, A. (1988), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 20.
Clarke-Stewart, A. and Fein, G. G. (1983), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 19.
Cowie, H. (1995) ‘Child care and attachment’, in Barnes, P. (ed.) Personal, Social and Emotional Development of Children, Oxford, Blackwell/The Open University.
Davis, K. (1947), cited in Hayes (2000) p. 655.
Erickson, M. F., Egeland, B. and Sroufe, L. A. (1985), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 31.
Goldfarb, W. (1947), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 8.
Hayes, N. (2000) Foundations of Psychology, 3rd ed., London, Thomson Learning.
Hinde, R. A. and Stevenson-Hinde, J. (1988), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 26.
Koluchova, J. (1976), cited in Hayes (2000) p. 652.
Main, M. and Cassidy, J. (1988), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 31.
Main, M. and Goldwyn R. (1984), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 32.
Melhuish, E. C., Mooney, A., Martin, S. and Lloyd, E. (1990), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 22.
Rutter, M. (1981), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 11.
Rutter, M. (1981), cited in Hayes (2000) p. 652.
Tizard, B. and Hodges, J. (1978), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 11.
Tizard, B. and Rees, J. (1975), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 11.
Weisner, T. S. and Gallimore, R. (1977), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 23.
Werner, E. (1991), cited in Cowie (1995) p. 26.