Although the weakness of the Provisional Government and lack of support of the masses had given the Bolsheviks an advantage, another factor that bought the Bolsheviks to seize power was their organisation and use of effective slogans to gain support from the industrial workers, peasantry and soldiers. The role of the soldiers was very important, especially after the inclusion of their key representatives in the soviets. Although there is evidence that patriotism remained a strong force amongst front line troops, those stations in radicals were particularly radical. They wanted to see the end of war with Germany, and as a large bulk of the soldiers were made of the peasantry, they were also keen to see the end of war so they could gain land. When Lenin arrived in Petrograd, it was to these groups that the Bolsheviks targeted their propaganda. It provided a major boost for Bolshevik morale as he introduced his manifesto ‘April Theses’ in which he described the Provisional government as representing the bourgeois or middle class stage of revolution which would move to a second stage of revolution where power would be transferred to the workers and peasants. He saw the promises to end the war, to give land to the people and ensure adequate food supplies provided the useful rallying cry of ‘peace, land and bread’ and to give ‘All Power to the Soviets’ which was spread through the Bolshevik newspaper, ‘Pravda’. This slogan also shows how the Bolsheviks combined the demands of the three groups to gain more support. This gained the Bolsheviks much support as Lenin was financed by Germans, so there was actually hope of change for the masses. The organisation in the Bolshevik party was clearly shown when membership grew to 2 million in 3 months. Unlike the Provisional Government, the Bolsheviks had a system, a central committee sent orders to the soviets, who gave orders to the factories and the Bolsheviks demanded total obedience from their members, so they were well-disciplined, this is what made the Bolsheviks so powerful.
After the return of Lenin, during the war in June 1917, the Provisional government created further unrest when they took the unpopular decision to continue the campaign against Germany, in the hope that they could gain land. They also believed that by following the alliance with France and Britain would get them important financial support. The major problem that was crucial to the government’s fate was the failure of Kerensky’s offensive. In June, as War Minister, Kerensky launched a major offensive against Germans however it was unpopular and morale began to collapse. The Provisional Government set up ‘death squads’ to execute deserters. This made things worse, by October 1917; 2 million soldiers were deserting, going home, killing the landlords, and taking land. This decision to continue the war weakened the capacity of the Provisional government to consolidate its position and deal with other problems that it faced. It also showed the lack of concern that the Provisional government had for those suffering in hardship of war, rank and file soldiers, the industrial workers and the peasantry which helped the Bolsheviks gain support. As well as this Kerensky delayed the summoning of the Constituent assemble which lost them valuable support from the peasantry. It was clear that the provisional government were in no position to implement many of the reforms that the industrial workers and peasantry wanted such as the Land question, and as a result of this, it was seen that direct action was the only way forward. This led to anarchy in the countryside, peasants were taking the nobles land so the government sent troops to take back the land which further angered the peasants and the industrial the desire to gain control over factories so they could improve working conditions. The Soviets, Trade Unions and factory committees were the ideal vehicles for pushing forwards these demands. This was good for Bolsheviks as it led to the formation of the red guards which could be of use in promoting revolutionary demands. The limitations of workers organisations also provided and opportunity which the Bolsheviks could exploit. Decision making became very chaotic due to the growth in support for the Petrograd Soviet and real power was transferred to a smaller committee of elected officials, often politicians rather than workers. This was very important in alienating the rank and file members of the soviet, who felt they were being ignored. This was an advantage to the Bolsheviks, whose support in the soviet was weak at the beginning of 1917, and provided an opportunity they were to make good use of after July.
From the 3rd to the 6th of July, there was a dilemma for the Bolshevik party which became known as the ‘July Days’. Sailors at the naval base of Kronstadt organised their own armed demonstrations under Bolshevik slogans such as ‘All powers to the soviets’ and marched into Petrograd. With support from the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, the Provisional government were able to crush the rising. The events of the ‘July Days’ led in the short term, to the discrediting of the Bolsheviks, who were blamed by many for the bloodshed. Kerensky also used it as an opportunity to attack Lenin by claiming that he was a German spy working to undermine the Russian war effort. Bolshevik offices were closed as was their newspaper Pravda. Leading Bolshevik members were forced into hiding and Kamenev and Trotsky were arrested. Despite this setback in support, all leading members of the Bolshevik party were freed due to government policy, and in the summer of 1917 Bolshevik fortunes were revived when the position of the Provisional government was severely undermined by what became known as the Kornilov coup, which like Kerensky’s offensive, was crucial to its fate. After the events of the ‘July Days’ Kerensky made an attempt to assert control over events and appointed Kornilov as Commander in Chief to reassert discipline into the army. This measure was too reactionary for the Mensheviks and social revolutionaries who were now part of the government, but Kornilov was jailed as a hero by the right. The government were edging towards the imposition of martial law after the continued strikes and unrest in Petrograd. Kornilov moved to supress unrest in Petrograd but at the last moment Kerensky ordered his arrest and had to call Soviet to help defend the city against what seemed like an attempted coup by Kornilov. Kerensky’s role in this affair damaged his standing with both the right and left. The army was left demoralised and confused with little sense of direction. On the left the Bolsheviks gained an upsurge in support, who had taken a lead in organising the workers against Kornilov, whilst support for the Mensheviks and social revolutionaries, both associated with the government, declined. Kerensky and the Provisional government were now heading towards a final collapse and led to the start of the revolution. By October 1917, The Bolsheviks were in a position to succeed in seizing power from the Provisional Government, although by this time the Provisional government had very little power of its own. Trotsky was leader of the Soviets, and Lenin was convinced that it was the time to stage a revolution and so Trotsky and Lenin implemented the plans to seize power. Lenin’s supporters remained loyal and so the Key positions in Petrograd were maintained by Red Guards under the direction of the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) and coordinated by Trotsky. Power stations, police stations and the rail way networks in Petrograd were all in the hands of the Bolsheviks, and with the help of a battleship pointing its guns at the winter palace the provisional government surrendered.
In conclusion I agree with the statement that the main reason the Bolsheviks seized power was due to the weakness of the government. I believe that the weakness of the Provisional Government allowed the Bolsheviks to use their strengths in order to gain power. The Provisional government failed to call a Constituent Assemble and deal with land reform, their implementation was poorly handled and often ineffective. They only lasted for 8 months, and from the start the Provisional Government had lacked both support and authority and its attempts to pursue a moderate line were perhaps undermined by the lack of middle class in Russia, but it could have done more to gain support from the conservatives or even the moderate left. Instead it alienated both groups and as a result was left isolated. A crucial factor was perhaps the decision to continue the war as it stretched the strength of the government which were not in a strong position in the first place. This allowed the Bolsheviks to use their strengths and take advantage of the situation; they were well organised and had a strong leader who was financed by German money to pay for their campaigns. They had their own private army which gave them military power and with this they had built up an efficient party organisation with an effective propaganda machine which allowed them to gain support. Although there was a setback in support due to the failure of the ‘July Days’, In August the Kornilov coup revived Bolshevik fortunes, whilst at the same time undermining the position of the other socialist groups. In result, due to the weakness of the Provisional government and strengths of the Bolsheviks, when Lenin moved to take over, the government could do nothing to stop him allowing the Bolsheviks to seize power.
by
olliep (student)
