Race or religion? The impact of religion on the employment and earnings of Britain's ethnic communities.

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Race or religion? The impact of religion on the employment and

            earnings of Britain's ethnic communities.

Abstract

Religious affiliation is hypothesised to be an important determinant of earnings and employment. The aim of this paper is  to establish whether

religious divisions have a greater impact on  employment and earnings than being a member of a particular ethnic group. Using conventional ethnic group classifications fails to identify differences within  nationalities. Notable differences exist between Indian Sikhs and Hindus, as  well as between Muslims and the other religious groups. However, after controlling for religion, substantial ethnic labour market disadvantage is still  apparent. Over and above religious differences, there is a significant employment penalty to British- and foreign-born, non-white males and an earnings penalty to foreign-born non-white males. This provides some evidence for the assimilation of non-white male earnings towards those for whites, but indicates no such assimilation in ethnic unemployment rates. For females, there is no employment penalty to non-whites, but a significant earnings penalty to those not fluent in English, once religious affiliation has been accounted for. Finally, this study finds evidence of a substantial disadvantage to Muslims, relative to all other non-whites. Approximately half of this can be explained by poorer characteristics; the residual is a pure Islamic penalty.

Introduction

Ethnic minorities suffer economic disadvantage in the

British labour market,

although the unavailability of data has implied a lack

of research concerning

religion and religious affiliation. The current

consensus is that there exists

some unexplainable ethnic employment and earnings

disadvantage, over and above

explained characteristics. Language fluency is one

example of a previously

unexplained characteristic (see Blackaby et al. 2001;

Dustmann and Fabbri

2000; Leslie and Lindley 2001), religion is another.

This paper investigates

whether religion is more important than ethnicity and

attempts to measure how

much (if any) of the unexplained ethnic disadvantage

remains, once religion

has been accounted for.

Religion may affect labour market performance for a

number of reasons.

Specific ethnic minority groups may themselves be

culturally diverse, and

religion may act as a proxy for measuring social and

cultural characteristics

related to ethnic identity (Ballard 1996; Coleman and

Salt 1996). Religion may

have a direct effect on economic performance through

the impact of religious

beliefs on the behaviour of individuals. One example

is the Muslim view that

married women should undertake full-time domestic

responsibilities and

therefore enter into the labour market only if it is

economically required.

Also Muslims have special needs that can be directly

associated with their

faith. These include regular prayer and dress

requirements for those who

strictly obey their religious requests. Hence religion

may capture some

previously unexplainable attitudinal characteristics

associated with faith.

Finally, differences in the labour market performance

of some religious groups

may indicate religious discrimination. This might be

especially true for

Muslims. According to Modood, `there is now a

consensus across all groups that

prejudice against Asians is much the highest of any

ethnic, racial or

religious group; and it is believed by Asian people

themselves that the

prejudice against Asians is primarily prejudice

against Muslims' (Modood et

al. 1997: 133).

Brown (2000) provides evidence that religion is an

important determinant of

economic activity amongst Britain's South Asians. He

demonstrates significant

differences between Indian Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims

and shows Pakistani and

Bangladeshi Muslims to be the most disadvantaged, in

terms of unemployment, of

all the South Asian religious groups. This study

builds on Brown (2000) by

including all non-whites and whites in the sample,

whilst attempting to answer

the following questions. Are there differences in

employment and earnings

within British ethnic groups and across religions? How

much of the non-white

disadvantage is a result of racial differences and how

much is the result of

religious differences? Finally, is there any evidence

of religious

discrimination in Britain?

The paper is structured into several sections as

follows. The next section

introduces the data and discusses the estimation

methods. The following

section to that provides some descriptive statistics

on the ethnic and

religious composition of the sample. Next the results

for employment probit

equations and the earnings equations are presented.

Then I address the topical

issue of Islamic religious discrimination and the

final section concludes.

Data and methodology

The Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities

(FNSEM) was conducted in 1994

by the Policy Studies Institute to investigate the

social and economic

conditions of the ethnic minorities of England and

Wales (Smith and Prior

1996). The survey over-sampled those electoral wards

that contained a high

percentage of ethnic minorities. The survey contains

information on 2,867

whites and 5,196 non-whites aged 16 and over. Ethnic

groups are Black

Caribbeans, Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, African

Asians and Chinese. (1)

It is possible to distinguish between those born in

the UK and those born

abroad since the definition of ethnic group in the

FNSEM provides information

both on ethnic group and on family origin. (2)

The FNSEM also provides information concerning the

religion of the respondent.

The categories are Muslim, Hindu, Sikh, Christian,

Buddhist, Jain,

Rastafarian, Jewish, Parsi/Zorashia, other religion

and no religion. (3) There

is evidence that the religious distribution of South

Asians is subject to some

ambiguities. One might expect the proportion of

Muslims in this survey to be

bigger than the proportion in the last survey, purely

for demographic reasons.

(4) In fact the proportion of Indians and African

Asians who are Muslim has

fallen, whereas the proportion of Indians and African

Asians who are Sikh has

risen, compared with the previous survey (Modood et

al. 1997).

In the FNSEM questionnaire, the respondent was asked

to indicate which

economic activity they were primarily involved in.

This enabled the

construction of a binary employment variable that took

the value of 1 if the

respondent was employed and zero if they were

unemployed. The unemployed

category consisted of those who were registered

unemployed, those who were

unemployed but not registered, those who were

unemployed but not looking for

work and those who were on a government scheme.

Employed consisted of those

who categorised themselves in paid employment. The

sample excludes the

self-employed and those who were aged above the

statutory retirement age. (5)

It is possible that religious affiliation would lead

to withdrawal from labour

market activity rather than unemployment, especially

amongst women. Indeed

Muslim women provide one good example. As a result an

alternative variable

that measures `out of employment' was derived. This is

a dichotomy between the

employed and those not employed. Here `out of

employment' includes the

unemployed and those who were on a government scheme,

those who were full-time

students, those who were permanently sick, retired,

engaged in full-time

homework or who classed themselves as doing something

else. (6)

In the FNSEM, information on annual and weekly average

earnings is banded with

16 categories. Since 20 per cent of observations have

missing earnings

information, the sample here uses information on 1,309

employed males and

1,186 employed females only. Furthermore the survey

does not contain

information on years of schooling or experience;

qualification attainment and

age are used instead.

The framework used is human capital theory, where

employability is estimated

using a probit equation and an earnings function is

used to explain weekly

earnings. (7) Both the employability and the log of

earnings are related to

human capital, job-specific and area-specific

characteristics. Included in the

employment probit are age and its square, educational

qualifications

(distinguishing between those obtained in Britain and

those obtained

overseas), region of residence, marital status,

housing tenure, whether the

respondent has children, whether the individual has

access to a car, health

status, and also variables to identify ethnicity and

religion. As suggested by

Blackaby et al. (2001), English language fluency

variables are also included.

(8)

Earnings equations are adjusted for sample selectivity

based on the employment

probit equations. The controls for the earnings

equations are the same as

those in the employment probit except that `local

unemployment rate' variables

are included in the earnings equations, whilst

`whether have children',

`health status' and `whether has access to a car' are

excluded as identifying

restrictions. The justification for this is based on

previous studies, such as

Blackaby et al. (1999). Such characteristics are more

likely to influence

employment probabilities than they are earnings.

The approach here is to estimate two separate models.

The first includes

ethnically disaggregated religion variables. The

intention here is to identify

whether some religious groups are disadvantaged and

whether ethnic differences

exist within religious groups. For example, is an

Indian Muslim equally likely

to be as disadvantaged as a Pakistani Muslim or is the

key difference Indian

and Pakistani? The religious groups are as follows.

Muslims are disaggregated

into Pakistani, Bangladeshi and other Muslims. Indian

Muslims and other

Muslims are grouped together in the regression

analysis as a result of small

sample sizes. (9) So too are Indian Sikhs and African

Sikhs. (10) Indian

Hindus are split into Indians and others. The latter

mainly consist of African

Asians. Christians are divided into whites and

non-whites. Non-white

Christians consist mostly of Caribbeans. Finally,

those with no religion are

divided into whites and non-whites. Again non-whites

without religion are

mainly Caribbeans.

The second model disentangles the ethnic effect and

the religious effect in an

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attempt to measure each separately. Here the religion

categories are

aggregated regardless of ethnicity. For example, the

`Muslim' group contains

Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Indian and other Muslims. Also

included are

`foreign-born' and `British-born' non-white variables.

These variables measure

any ethnic disadvantage and indicate the importance of

race over and above

religion. The insignificance of the British-born

non-white variable might be

thought to indicate that the labour market situation

of second-generation

non-white migrants has fully assimilated to that of

British-born whites, on

average (following Heath and McMahon 1997, and Leslie

et al. 1998). ...

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