In June 1879 there was a famous meeting between Michael Davitt, who represented agrarian radicalism, John Devoy, who represented revolutionary nationalism, and Parnell, who represented constitutional nationalism. Together they came to an informal agreement to support the tenants demands and Irish self-government. This marked the beginning of the New Departure. An agreement between two nationalist parties that brought together nationalism and agrarianism in a cause that would work towards both sides’ wishes – tenants rights and self-government.
After only 4 years in politics and two years in any position of power he had already ensured a future for nationalism and given it a new face.
Davitt later that year formed the Irish National Land League, of which Parnell became president. Parnell’s reasons for supporting tenants’ agitation are mostly political; though he did agree with some of the rights they were demanding. His motives were based on his belief that support for a popular agrarian movement would encourage the cause of constitutional nationalism in Ireland and give leverage to the Home Rulers at Westminster, ergo aiding to wrest Home Rule from Parliament. He also believed that this agitation would force the British government to introduce land reform, and that this would help to bring an end to the conflict that was ever raging between tenant and landlord.
To Parnell, these months had been spent gaining support for nationalism, and forging new alliances with the agrarian masses. By showing his support for them, and by declaring that they should “deprive this [landlord] class of their privileges”, he gained, in return, a mass of support for Home Rule and the Irish National Land League.
A ‘Land War’ was declared between tenants and landlords. The League protected and cared for the interests of the tenants. However, in spite of Parnell’s insistence that the protests must be peaceful, it was almost inexorable that violence would erupt.
The characteristic feature of this ‘Land War’ was the ‘outrages’ against the landlords. 2,590 incidents were reported in 1880 and between 1879 and 1882 there were 67 landlord murders. The situation was difficult for the police to contain, as the attacks were sporadic and occurred at night. The apparent stoicism of the general public meant that the police had no leads or witnesses with which to prosecute the leaders.
The violence raised problems for Parnell, who was away in America raising money for the league, and spreading the word about Irish nationalism. His ‘tour’ was cut short when he came home to fight the 1880 general election.
A month later he was elected as president and leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party. He managed to get his abilities shown, despite resentment against him for his involvement with the Fenians and Agrarian Radicalism. Thusly, his problem of unity lingered.
In only 5 years of politics he had become leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party and this rise to power was “the most brilliant political performance in Irish history”.
Prime Minister Gladstone pushed a second land reform act through the Commons and Lords, in 1881, in order to gain agrarian support. This left Parnell with a dilemma. As he was the Irish Parliamentary Party leader, he had to continue his support for both the militants and the moderates throughout Ireland and the UK and indeed in America. By supporting the Land Act, he would lose favour with the radicals, but if he opposed it he may lose support from the moderates. He stalled for time in this instance, by criticising aspects of the act.
After Gladstone warned the Land League in a public speech that “the resources of civilisation are not yet exhausted”, Parnell denounced Gladstone badly. This led to his arrest and imprisonment in Kilmainham gaol, on the grounds that he was deliberately attacking and disparaging the Land Act. In order for Parnell’s release to occur, the “Kilmainham Treaty” had to be agreed, and, under its terms, the government agreed to release him and to relax the Coercion Act, and to ame3nd the Land Act so that it would help those with rent arrears. Parnell agreed, in turn, to use his influence against violence and to accept and support the carrying out of the recent Land Act, especially the work of the Land Courts.
In 1882, the National League was created. This was in order to make the Irish Parliamentary Party the dominant nationalist organisation in Ireland. The National League was different to the Land League in the sense that it was primarily a political organisation. Its agenda were to create national self-government first, and land law reform secondly. Behind the democratic façade, he controlled policy and selected the parliamentary candidates. This was the moderate non-revolutionary organisation that he wanted to lead, and that had a chance of standing in parliament.
Candidates of the League had to pledge to be constitutional and parliamentary in their actions, and to follow the party line on all political questions.
It became the focus for Irish, Catholic and nationalist opinion. However, there was tension, how could a Catholic nation be led by a protestant?
After 1882, by-elections were won constantly, and the Third Reform act of 1884 treated the Irish franchise on equal terms with the rest of Britain. And in 1885, the league won 85 seats including 17 in protestant Ulster. Parnell had now achieved constitutional politician stat us, and thusly he was receiving overtures from both sides in return for his support in parliament.
Parnell’s years of working for nationalism and self-government were finally starting to pay off. He had found a way of working in order to achieve his goals – not through agrarian radicals, or violence against landlords, but by working through parliament and legally, he was able to gain a footing.
After the 1886 general election, the Irish Parliamentary Party still dominated the representation of Ireland outside Protestant Ulster, and Parnell remained determined to stick to the constitutional path in securing Home Rule. This meant maintaining the alliance with the liberal party, which was still committed to the same ideal.
In 1887, The Times published a series of articles, which accused Parnell with approving of the Phoenix Park Murders, these articles contained letters said to be written by Parnell commending the murders. In 1889, however, an investigation into the source of these letters revealed that they were forged by a journalist named Piggott. Only months later, the husband of Parnell’s mistress, Captain O’Shea filed for divorce. He cited Parnell has a respondent on the grounds for adultery with Mrs. Katharine O’Shea. The case came to court in November 1890, and Parnell offered no defence.
This divorce led to Parnell’s personal reputation being ripped to tatters, and his political career was in ruins. Gladstone found himself under pressure from a wing of his liberal party who refused to accept an alliance with a party whose leader was a self-confessed adulterer.
On the first of December 1890, the Irish Parliamentary party met at the House of Commons. The party split with 45 renouncing Parnell’s leadership and 37 supporting him. One of Parnell’s most bitter opponents, Timothy Healy, said that “the necessities of Ireland are paramount” in response to the scandal that arose.
Parnell reacted to this enmity he was facing with characteristic defiance. In the summer of 1891, he fought one last campaign in Ireland at a series of by-elections. Overall however, the anti-Parnellites won, and he died on the 6th of October 1891.
Parnell’s years of politics had their ups and downs, but he remains thought of as “the uncrowned king of Ireland”. He suffered severely for his indulgence of a mistress, and it was this that brought him crashing down. As a leader, he was suitably pragmatic, and set to go far. He took Irish nationalism to heights that it had never reached under the leadership of Emmett or Tone.
