“Departments have a very, very powerful hold on the policy process. Wherever the initiative for a policy comes from, and whatever information and advice is gathered to inform the decision, the actual processing of the decision is firmly in the hands of the civil servants responsible for that area. They will compile the data, identify the options, and put a package of advice to the minister. Once the decision is taken, they will co-ordinate its implementation. Naturally, controlling the channels through which policy passes gives officials considerable influence over the policy's content: while they cannot invariably impose their own solution, they will make sure that their concerns and preferred option feature prominently in the advice put to the minister. This tight grip on policy is exercised principally by the "policy core" of the civil service: the relatively small number of officials who work in or around Whitehall.” (James, S., 1997: page 7)
Outside of government a wide variety of groups may get involved. Ideally, in a democracy, the whole of society should be involved. Practically, certain groups have better access and are better suited to translating their ideas into methods acceptable to, and usable by, the government machine.
Think tanks, as the name suggests, have as their whole raison d’être deliberating over societal and economic ills and thinking up new ways of overcoming them. Approaching society from across the political spectrum, the more established think tanks are prolific in publishing pamphlets of an often original nature. They also act as sponsoring bodies for seminars and lectures. Purportedly independent of outside influences to maintain their credibility, most, nevertheless, have close links with a particular political party. The Institute for and were closely linked with the rise of the New Labour project, with the and the Social Market Foundation (SMF) maintaining firm links with the Right. (Parsons, W., 1995)
Established bodies such as the or maintain regular contact with ministers. Well-funded teams in regular contact with ministers and civil servants are generally a key factor in policy development. These reputable and high profile bodies will often be introduced into policy formation early as government attempts to kite-fly policy thoughts with key opinion formers and campaigning bodies. (Dearlove, J. and Saunders, P., 2000)
We have of course moved on from the “beer and sandwiches” era of the last Labour government but historical and emotional links mean that participation will always form a cornerstone of any Labour administration. Most senior party figures have either progressed up the union ladder or at least welcomed its support. Few people would join the Labour Party without an early firm belief in the right of organised worker participation in the decision making process. Early networking of ideas, aided by general agreement in a model future vision, ensures close consultation with relevant unions. Whilst Labour may be less dependent on the unions now than at any other point in its history, they will never lose ties completely.
In addition to their contacts through various government-sponsored bodies or trade bodies such as the or the , many major businesses have lines into early policy development. Through their position as market leaders they become a key target for consultation by ministers, both because of their recognised expertise and because government seeks endorsement of its policies and initiatives through the support of successful business people.
Cross sponsorship is also an option for business with finance to spare. Institutions such as the work to place MPs within businesses for a degree of time. Therefore, as well as providing the MP with a working knowledge of an industry’s problems and aspirations it also provides good future contacts for the sponsoring body. As greater pressure has been placed on the Civil Service to take into account the needs of industry, so the secondment of industry figures within the departments that deal with that sector has become a feature of government. Whilst this can be billed as providing a good basis for the transfer of ideas, some have criticised this as leading to a situation whereby those that will be effected by an Act being the ones that draft it. There then follows all the attendant concerns that negative externalities are passed on to those who can least afford to carry them. (Smith, Martin J., 1993)
Businesses have the possibility to sanction any unwanted governmental decision by moving their capital elsewhere, especially due to the phenomenon of globalisation, which speeds up such processes greatly. Such a move of capital may lead to several undesirable effects, including a loss if income and employment, which reflect badly on policy-makers and affect their levels of popular support. Consequently, policy-makers will want to accommodate business interests as much as possible.
The policy process is influenced by a range of interest groups that exert power and authority over policy-making. These influences affect each stage of the process from agenda setting, to the identification of alternatives, weighing up the options, choosing the most favourable and implementing it. Hundreds, or even thousands, of specialist interest groups are active within the UK political scene. Coming from across, or outside of, the political spectrum, the rising number of these single issue, often voluntarily staffed, campaigning bodies has come to be seen as symptomatic of the decay of British party politics, but possibly the re-politicisation of the UK as a whole, despite the declining poll turnout at elections. The activities of singular campaigns allow individuals to engage in the political process with all the fervour of the truly devout, without having to drag along all the political baggage that necessarily comes with campaigning on a more broad-based party manifesto. Nevertheless, pressure groups form a vital part of our democratic process, providing government with an indication of the strength of public belief in an issue, as well as bringing a more focused argument to the issue. Pressure groups provide a useful counterweight for public opinion to campaign against the power of commercial interests. The sum being very much greater than the individual parts, pressure groups allow private citizens to make their voices heard in government. Small, affordable contributions allow the financing of human interest campaigns to balance those driven by the profit to be derived from government. (Dearlove, J. and Saunders, P., 2000)
“The interest dynamic is ex officio selfish and, while interest groups have a valuable and often expert contribution to make to policy making, to allow them too great a sway over policy decisions is to subordinate the general public interest to the interest of a particular group.” (James, S., 1997: page 212)
Political parties set much store by publicising the importance they attach to their grass roots’ contribution to policy development. All parties have a system in place whereby party members may pass ideas up the chain for adoption as policy. From the Labour Party Policy Forum or the Conservatives “Listening to Britain” road shows, through to resolutions at Conference, each party increasingly attempt to portray itself as THE democratic party, as the central policy machine simultaneously takes a firmer grip on internal debate. The fear of showing division in front of a rampant press pack means that single-issue campaigning bodies increasingly take responsibility for driving forward the innovative agenda. (Parsons, W., 1995)
The media’s main resource is the status of link between state and society, which allows it to strongly influence preferences on both sides of the spectrum. Consequently, the mass media is particularly important during the policy agenda setting, as it is the main identifier and advertiser of problems, also conditioning their interpretation. However, the mass media has the tendency to be a one-sided source for setting the policy agenda, as by its very nature it has an inclination toward the sensational and thus also a tendency to exaggerate some aspects of an issue, while playing down others.
Occasionally the media will flex its muscles and create an issue or image, which then dominates the political agenda for the succeeding weeks (or even in perpetuity). This will often be followed by a flurry of activity in the House as Members and the Government demonstrate their knowledge of, and commitment to, the latest issue. This is where having an ongoing political programme in place pays huge dividends. Having relevant briefings ready for wrong-footed MPs, as well as knowing whom to target may get an organisation noticed as the key knowledge source on an issue and future first point of contact for MPs individually or as a member of government/industry committees. (James, S., 1997)
In conclusion, although the policy process is not completely open and democratic, it is still a relatively accessible and fair system (in as much as it can be). To allow full openness and democracy within the process would be to its detriment as no policy would ever gain approval from all the people, all the time. Therefore limiting access and consulting a limited (although varied) number of people/groups allows the process to remain fluid and not come to a halt through too much participation.
Bibliography
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Fierlbeck K, (1998), International Relations and the Role of Globalisation, Manchester, University of Manchester Press
James S, (1997), British Government: a reader in policy making, London, Routledge
Jones B, (2001), Politics UK, London, Pearson Education Limited
Jordan, A. G. and Richardson, J.J., (1987), British Politics and the Policy Process, Winchester, Allen & Unwin Inc.
Norton P, (2001) “Ministers, departments and civil servants” in Jones B (Eds), Politics UK, London, Pearson Education Limited
Parsons W, (1995), Public Policy – An Introduction to the Theory and Practise of Policy Analysis, Hants, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited
Smith, Martin J., (1993), Pressure, Power & Policy, Hertfordshire, Harvester Wheatsheaf