This essay will explain the functionalist, Marxist and Social action theories of race and will incorporate an evaluation of the functionalist and Marxist perspectives
The purpose of this essay is to describe four different sociological perspectives on 'race'. This essay will explain the functionalist, Marxist and Social action theories of race and will incorporate an evaluation of the functionalist and Marxist perspectives with the intent to discover the strengths and weakness of both studies. Sociologists have presented their various competing theories with regards to the controversial issue of 'race', in an attempt to understand the phenomenon of 'racial' issues.
The term 'race' is used to provide distinction between the different human populations throughout the world; this distinction was initially thought to be determined by the biological differences between 'races' and consequently, this terminology is most commonly used to segregate and categorise individuals according to their visual characteristics, such as skin colour, facial features and hair types. 'Race' became a popular term in the 19th century, and various explanations accumulated pertaining to the different 'races' of people that compose the world, with the most common segregation emerging between the 'black' and 'white' races. Subsequently, an individual's physical appearance and the supposedly distinct differences in their biological composition became the fundamental basis for this categorisation - a categorisation that typically maintained 'white' superiority. (Race - definitions Handout)
Nott and Gliddon in their 1854 publication of "Types of Mankind" stated that Caucasians, (mainly European) "have in all ages been the rulers", thus suggesting that Caucasians were the only 'race' of humans sufficiently capable of establishing and maintaining a civilised democratic society. Dark skinned races were therefore viewed as "only fit for military governments". This was a common belief, shared by many influentials of this era, which left behind a legacy of controversy regarding 'race' and its connotations. (Haralambos, 2005, page 201)
Despite the fact that since the 1940's, evolutionary scientists have rejected the supposition that 'race' is defined by biological differences and subsequently this belief has no scientific foundation - its legacy continues to exist, deluding many individuals within society regarding their views on 'racial' differences, which are more often than not, based from a prejudice view, programmed by a history of comparable attitudes. Many social scientists maintain that 'race' definitions are imprecise and lack validity arguing that these definitions have derived from custom and therefore 'race' has been socially constructed and defined accordingly. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Race)
Discrimination can be defined in two senses, either direct or indirect. Direct discrimination can be executed through the preferential treatment of a specific 'race' and therefore disallowing the other 'race/s' equal access to the same opportunities as the favoured. Indirect discrimination is implemented in a deceptive, manipulative fashion, attempting to block the opportunities of the unfavoured 'race' by placing unrealistic stipulations and obligations upon them, with the knowledge that these specifications are unattainable. These two forms of discrimination have become popularly known as 'racism'. (Race - definitions Handout)
Sheila Patterson's 1965 study of "Dark Strangers" was based on the first-generation of immigrants from the West Indies, entering Britain namely, Brixton in London throughout the 1950's. Patterson, from a Functionalist perspective, using Methodology, attempted to gain a comprehensive sociological understanding of migration and the 'race situation'; with specific reference to 'race relations', between the dominant host (Britain) and the smaller immigrant population (West-Indies). (Haralambos, 2005, page 218)
Paterson's theory was based on the fundamental belief that society has been constructed through a consensus of values and norms, which is the essential element for the efficient functioning of society. With this proviso in mind, the immigrant-host model incorporates the stipulation that immigrants must gradually morph their culture into that of the dominant hosts, minimising cultural differences between the two, with the intention of becoming accepted and gaining mobility within that particular society. This process is known assimilation. (Pilkington, 1984)
For this study, Paterson used both observation and participant observation and conducted interviews with 250 'white' and 150 Afro-Caribbean participants. Having collected evidence regarding 'race issues' from a previous study she had conducted in South Africa, which Paterson believed illustrated a 'race situation', she was able to make the distinction between a 'race situation' and an 'immigrant situation'. For Patterson, a 'race situation' is moulded solely upon the obvious 'colour' divisions between different groups. However, an 'immigrant situation' is more complex, combining the issue of colour differences, but not focusing solely upon it; the main issue she discovered, was that the migrants possessed significant cultural differences. Thus the use of the immigrant-host model is the most effective method for analysing and understanding the 'race relations' faced by migrants and their host. (Haralambos, 2005, page 218)
Patterson suggested that the similarities between host and migrant, such as language and religion, became increasingly irrelevant in aiding the process of assimilation, and that 'colour' in itself did not predetermine a divide. The significant cultural difference between host and migrant was the principal cause for obstructing and successfully achieving assimilation. Migrants generally displayed incompatible values and norms to that of their host, such as being noisy with gregarious personas, less particular regarding housekeeping standards and were more inclined to be living together out of wedlock. Paterson stated that "No migrant group has in the mass so signally failed to conform to these expectations and patterns as have the West-Indians". (Haralambos, 1985)
However, Paterson continues by suggesting that the West-Indians did have 'assimilationist' aspirations and with this knowledge, Paterson believed that eventual assimilation was in no way unachievable, provided both parties contributed to this process. She did however express that the principal participants in this process were the migrants, who must allow themselves to be re-socialised in to the accepted cultural values and norms of the British population. This procedure involved the migrants conforming to all the traditional British customs, such as, conforming to formal marriage ceremonies, queuing at bus stops, lowering their unrealistic expectations and ensuring prevention of 'chip-on-the-shoulder' attitudes. In addition, the host was presented with the less challenging task of passively accepting the migrant, perhaps learning more regarding their cultural background, and to avoid staring at their 'new neighbours' in the street. Patterson advocated that the host community should not form an opinion or judge migrants as a result of their group membership, but rather that the migrants individual qualities, should determine this opinion. Patterson therefore suggests that both migrant and host have relatively similar objectives in so far as both are seeking to attain accommodation, integration and eventually assimilation.
For Patterson, the British society operates under the guidelines of conformity, with the intention of providing and maintaining a secure and peaceful environment. Paterson was therefore relatively optimistic regarding the eventual occurrence of assimilation and maintains that there are no significant structural blocks, political or economic, which could prevent this process. Patterson admits that the British population extends a mixture of hostility and reservation regarding their new residents and this is in fact a British cultural norm, however she argues that Britain does not contain a deep-rooted prejudice attitude and a suggests that where conflict and discrimination did ...
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For Patterson, the British society operates under the guidelines of conformity, with the intention of providing and maintaining a secure and peaceful environment. Paterson was therefore relatively optimistic regarding the eventual occurrence of assimilation and maintains that there are no significant structural blocks, political or economic, which could prevent this process. Patterson admits that the British population extends a mixture of hostility and reservation regarding their new residents and this is in fact a British cultural norm, however she argues that Britain does not contain a deep-rooted prejudice attitude and a suggests that where conflict and discrimination did exist, it appeared to have a valid foundation, such as "too many 'blacks' would upset the 'white' workforce". Paterson assumed that these initial problems would eventually subside. (Haralambos, 1985)
Patterson suggested that the relationship between host and migrant is not fixed into a clearly defined, unchangeable relationship, but rather the relationship between the two is in perpetual motion, with both evolving and adapting to their new unfamiliar situation. Although Patterson admitted that relations between the West Indian migrants and their British host, had not developed past the initial stage of accommodation, she surmised that, following in the footsteps of their Irish predecessors, the West Indian's and their subsequent generations could eventually become completely absorbed into British society. (Haralambos, 2005, page 220)
Patterson's study of "Dark Strangers", is revolutionary in so far as it removes the emphasis of 'colour' from the 'race' debate, extending new meaning to the reasons of segregation within the British multi-cultural society. It highlights the fact that incompatible cultures can contribute significantly to the formation of 'race relations', and so disperses the predetermined evaluation that 'colour' is the only cause of prejudice and discrimination. This study also outlines the fundamental need for the assimilation of migrants, which from a functionalist perspective, is essential to maintain the equilibrium and consensus among the majority members of society.
However, this study makes the assumption that assimilation will eventually occur. This assumption seems to be based on the Irish immigrants and those who preceded the West Indians, and who eventually 'blended' into British society. However, the Irish, it could be argued, might find it substantially easier to become absorbed into the British population. In this instance skin colour could be a significant factor in 'race relations', as there are less noticeable differences - especially from the next generation, who's accent would have become diluted. In this sense, it can be noticed that this study fails to acknowledge the importance of skin colour when establishing the cause of prejudice and discrimination. It underestimates the power of the 'white superiority' legacy and that racism has significantly established historical background, which was based solely on skin colour.
In contrast to the immigrant-host model, Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack's 1973 study of "Immigrant Workers and Class Structure", from a Marxist sociological perspective, suggests that Racial disharmony is not centred upon cultural differences. They suggest that the relationship between indigenous and immigrant should be evaluated using the international capitalist system as a framework of understanding. Castles and Kossack, studied migration into France, Germany, Britain and Switzerland and this study was devised to ascertain if immigrants and migrants could be categorised as part of the working class, within the broad social structure. It also attempted to clarify the effect migrants and immigrants have on class-consciousness and their use pertaining to the maintenance of false consciousness. (Haralambos, 2000, page 220)
In Britain, immigration or 'racism' has been set apart from the rest of Europe and distinguished by theorists, Phizacklea and Miles as a more substantial issue there. Immigrants entering Britain are typically 'black' which makes their 'race' vulnerable, as they are easy to identify, categorise and discriminate against. (Race as an aspect of social class Handout - page 135)
For Castles and Kosack, immigration can be viewed as colonisation in reverse and is a product of the international economic system, whereby the wealthier European countries, since the colonial era, have purposefully obstructed the poorer countries' financial advancement and have exploited their vulnerable position within the economic infrastructure. The Third World is continuously manipulated by various powerful capitalist countries, to provide them with a subjugated, economically viable, workforce and to further advance their economic superiority by offering Third World countries low prices for raw materials. Thus, the creation and maintenance of any countries' low level of economic productivity and technological sophistication, can be blamed upon the capitalist economic system. (Haralambos, 2000, page 221)
This underdevelopment attracts young, enthusiastic immigrants to the wealthier nations, thus offering the successful capitalist nation a "reserve army of labour", who are willing to partake in occupations deemed too lowly for the indigenous population. Capitalist nations typically use this 'reserve army' during periods of economic success and high employment, when there is a significant labour shortage. This process, further increases the divide between the rich and poor nations as these dynamic immigrants, who's childhood was paid for and maintained by their native land, are lost to the more prosperous countries, before they can contribute to the economic betterment of their homeland. In addition, the successful nation has contributed nothing to the upbringing of the migrant, yet gains his 'cheep' labour, whilst the poorer nation loses a valuable resource. (Haralambos, 2000, page 221)
For Castles and Kosack, the immigrant can be categorised in the same stratification as the working class or proletariat, as they are without the means of production and therefore share the same fundamental economic position as the working class. Castles and Kosack explained that within the 4 countries examined, the immigrants, regardless of their original status, are subjected to a "subordinate position on the labour market, concentration in run-down areas and poor housing, lack of educational opportunities and widespread discrimination from the subordinate populations and authorities". This significantly contributes to poor health among immigrants who in all four countries studied are more susceptible than their indigenous peers, to poverty-associated illnesses such as Tuberculosis, rickets and asthma. (Race section 8 Handout page 305)
Castles and Kosack argue that immigrants do typically live in impoverished conditions, affected by poor health due to their work and social conditions, which can be significantly worse than that of their indigenous peers. However, they suggest that this is not indicative of a substantial divide between them or that the migrant belongs in a separate lower class - the lumpenproletariat. Castles and Kosack maintain that a group that comprises up to 30% of the labour force is neither 'marginal nor extraneous' within society. Both groups have restricted 'life chances' as a result of the implications of their low strata. Both the indigenous working class and the immigrant's position in the social structure are therefore on a par, as both essentially perform the same function and hold the same position within society and are consequently denied access to the means of production. Castles and Kosack maintain that any distinction between the two is due to their cultural differences, as opposed to the 'manmade' differences created by the capitalists to divide and rule. (Race section 8 Handout page 306)
However, typically the indigenous working class feel superior, possibly as a result of the immigrant's meagre existence, or the considerable amount of current prejudice supported by a vast amount of historical documentation stating 'white superiority'. They set themselves apart, aided by the authorities, into believing that they have in some form, been promoted to a higher status within the economic 'food chain', and therefore fail to recognise the similarities between them, which in effect obstructs and weakens the formation of working class solidarity and further removes the possibility of extinguishing the 'false consciousness' which confines and restricts them both. (Race section 8 Handout page 311)
With the segregation of the proletariat group divided into two, the 'ruling class' or bourgeoisie has its authority strengthened. The emergence of the 'industrial reserve army' ensures the maintenance of low wages in unskilled employment, as initially (if not indefinitely) immigrants will endure a low paying job, thus power is detracted from the indigenous working class, pertaining to their need to accept low wages for fear of being replaced. The indigenous working class, no longer feels indispensable and subsequently this produces a deep contempt for the immigrants to whom they defensively 'label' as inferior. Castles and Kosack suggest that the friction and division contained within one class, protects and maintains ruling class domination. (Haralambos, 2000, page 221)
As the hostility from indigenous to immigrant grows, the frequency at which the immigrants are targeted escalates, and subsequently the immigrants become the cause of all problems within society. The strengthening of ruling class authority occurs as a result of the discrimination and prejudice that immigrants are confronted by on their arrival into the migrant country, which regardless of the duration of their stay, does not appear to readily dilute, leaving friction between the indigenous and the immigrants. In effect, immigrants are used to detract attention and focus away from the real issue - a failing capitalist system. Blame in thrust upon the immigrant, for housing shortages and unemployment, as opposed to targeting the government regarding such issues. This has the 'knock on' effect of shielding the state from deterioration as political parties, such as the British National Party advocate for the removal of ethnic minorities from the UK - fighting against immigration as opposed to fighting for equality and against the capitalist economic system. (Race as an aspect of social class Handout - page 135)
Castles and Kosack's study of "Immigrant Workers and Class Structure", illustrates the importance of the international capitalist economic structure, and the implications of this unequal structure, regarding racial disharmony. This study also highlights the similarities between the indigenous proletariat and the immigrant, outlining the justifiable underlying principle for categorising both groups in the same stratification. Castles and Kosack extend significant insight into the rational behind the formation of prejudice and discrimination towards the immigrant workers, illustrating that it is a defence mechanism created by the capitalist system to protect and maintain its existence which is then implemented by the indigenous working class to maintain their own security. This produces social consequences for both, as in effect the indigenous group 'cut off their nose to spite their face', as they through 'false consciousness' divide the group which could give them power to abolish the 'status quo' of the capitalist system.
However, this study could be described as overly deterministic, as it does not incorporate the individualistic qualities composed within society. It predetermines reactions and responses from individuals, which may or may not transpire; therefore this study extends minor credence to human agency.
John Rex and Sally Tomlinson's 1979 study of "Colonial Immigrants in a British City: a Class Analysis", shares common characteristics with Castles and Kosack's study (1973), in that both identified the problems faced by immigrants in the labour market. However Rex and Tomlinson's study opposes the theory that immigrants can be categorised as part of the working class and through the evidence collected from their empirical study, introduced the theory of the immigrant 'underclass', which in effect details immigrants as a marginalized "separate underprivileged class". (Rex, 1979, page 275)
Rex and Tomlinson's study, from a broad Weberian perspective, was based in the Handsworth area of Birmingham over a four year period and was devised to ascertain the fundamental relationship between West Indian and Asian immigrants, their children and the class structure within the British society. Their study focuses on the degree to which the immigrant population share their class position with their 'white' working class 'neighbours'. This relates to the extent immigrants felt comparable to the 'white' working class, and to what degree they participated in working class organisations, such as working class culture, the community and politics. (Rex, 1979, page 275)
Rex and Tomlinson support the 'dual market labour theory' which states that there are two separate labour markets operating in the within Britain. The 'primary labour market' offers good wages, an acceptable working environment, security and opportunity for promotion. However, in sharp contrast, the 'secondary labour market' offers low wages, an unacceptable working environment, and an insecure job with little prospects. Throughout the 1950's to 60's, Britain underwent a period of labour shortage, specifically in unskilled employment. As such, immigration was promoted to counter this problem resulting in these 'secondary labour market' positions being mainly populated by migrants. (Haralambos, 2000, page 284)
Through their analysis of the 1971 census, Rex and Tomlinson discovered that the ethnic minorities are 'disproportionately represented' in the 'secondary labour market'. For example, 33% of West Indian men, more than 50% of Indians, approximately 50% of Pakistanis and 30% of East African Asians, occupied jobs within the metal industries that typically offer a low wage and little opportunity for promotion. Rex and Tomlinson further explained that immigrant women were also discriminated against, typically working in factories as opposed to the niceties of the secretarial positions typically held by their 'white' female peers. (Haralambos, 2000, page 284)
Their 1976 study of Handsworth in Birmingham, comprised of 1,100 structured interviews of the 'black' and 'white' population. From which they discovered that 30% of the 'white' Handsworth' population held 'white collar jobs', 27.4% of which, were in unskilled/semi-skilled manual occupations. Only 9.5% of West Indians and 5.1% of Asians belonged to the 'white collar' privileged group, with an immense 38.7% in unskilled/semi-skilled employment. (Haralambos, 2000, page 284)
Rex and Tomlinson's analysis of the class structure suggests that immigrants have been subjected to an exclusion of the rights granted to the working class population, via the working class movement and the Labour party. Gains such as a improved employment, education and housing do not apply to the immigrants and this un-relentless discrimination has created a separate 'underclass' populated by the immigrant minorities, who do not readily identify with the 'white' working class majority. Subsequently, the immigrants have constructed their own organisations as representation and in effect formed a 'class for themselves'. (Rex, 1979, page 275)
Rex and Tomlinson acknowledge that there is an 'overlap' pertaining to the similar experiences endured by the 'white' working class and their new West Indian and Asian 'neighbours'. However, the common ground shared between the two is menial and therefore does not warrant the supposition that the immigrants will, in the near future, be extended the opportunities equivalent to the prospects of their 'white' working class peers. (Rex, 1979, page 275/6)
Rex and Tomlinson express doubt over the successful absorption of the immigrant into the working class category, as a result of the cultural and structural disparities between them. Immigrants are typically exposed to a lesser position in the occupational sphere, housing, education and lack of political representation, which marginalizes and segregates them further from the majority of the population. As a result of their inferior position, the immigrants have been branded as a disgrace and subsequently rejected by the working class, who united on this opinion with other native classes - thus establishing an alliance against them. (Rex, 1979, page 275/6)
Consequently, immigrants were forced into a series of reactive/defensive political strategies, which were developed and implemented in different ways for the Asian and West Indian communities. In the Asian communities, it resulted in the focus of capital accumulation and social mobility. In the West Indian community it typically took the form of complete withdrawal from the rivalry between the 'black' and 'white' populations and placed an emphasis on the formation of a 'black' identity. However, for Rex and Tomlinson, a small minority of ethnic individuals might possibly attain relative absorption and a larger amount, they surmised held assimilationist aspirations. (Rex, 1979, page 275/6)
Ken Pryce's 1979, longitudinal study of "Hustlers and Slave Labour", from a social action perspective, is centred on the discrimination endured by West Indians in Bristol between 1969 and 1974, which Pryce considers to be a product of the misconceptions brought by slavery. This study was implemented using participant observation, but contains a diversity with its use of interviews to enhance the depth of understanding. Pryce's study incorporates a consciousness of class issues alongside racial issues.
For Pryce, the West Indian community within Britain are not a homogeneous group and therefore he illustrates the different coping methods devised by the 'black' population of Bristol, to counter or appease this discrimination and the various subcultures formed as a result.
For Pryce, the consequences of slavery are pertinent to his study, as most of the original immigrants entering Britain in the 1950's, into Bristol were from the lower working class population of Jamaica. Pryce explains that African culture was destroyed though slavery, which 'paved the way' for the British capitalist mode of thought to be subconsciously transported into the Caribbean. This had the effect of devaluing the African native culture, and soon Africans themselves, upon sufficient re-socialisation, began to reject their native culture, thus commencing the internalisation of European values. Pryce stated that "in Jamaica, the closer symbols, mannerisms, appearances and institutions approximate and conform to British standards, the higher their value and prestige".
With access denied to their native religion and tongue, most slaves were forced to accept Christianity as the principal dogma, and began to assume their 'masters' language. Price also suggests that slavery made it impossible to preserve a stable family and the implications of this have resulted in a lack of formal marriages throughout Jamaica, specifically among the lower class strata. (Haralambos, 2000, page 228)
As a result of the evidence collected from his study in Bristol, Pryce discovered that all West Indians were subjected to discrimination and rejection by 'white' society. However, the two principal orientations emerging as a consequence of in this prejudice environment were; the expressive-disreputable orientation group of West Indians: those who opposed and rejected the notion of 'slave labour', and the stable law-abiding orientation group: those concentrated on conforming to the British community regardless of the discrimination they were subjected to and attempted to seek regular employment. Pryce distinguished that within the expressive-disreputable orientation, there was a further divide, which formed the subculture of 'hustlers' and 'teenyboppers'. In addition the stable law-abiding orientation was further divided into four subcultures, consisting of 'in-betweeners', 'mainliners', 'proletarian respectables' and 'saints'. (Haralambos, 2000, page 229)
For Pryce, Hustlers are a subculture, which developed in response to the 'humiliating effect of racial discrimination', and the recognition that their initial hopes and aspirations before entering Britain, were merely built upon a deceptive perception. This realisation produced the deterioration of 'ambition' (pertaining to the conventional and West Indian definition). Pryce maintains that slavery is the principal cause for 'black' males aversion to being dominated in the working environment by 'white' men, who they define as indifferent to them as individuals. In addition resentfulness regarding their circumstances, specifically with regards to their employment status, which they consider to be "white mans shit work", quickly accumulates. Rejecting the widely accepted method of earning, they move towards hustling, which is an underground illegal way of earning money, from selling illegal drugs to armed robbery. (Haralambos, 2000, page 230)
Pryce defines the teenybopper as a West Indian Youth in his teens or early twenties, typically homeless and unemployed, who "is either already a delinquent or in danger of becoming one". For Pryce, the teenybopper subculture derives from an insecure childhood, which, is associated with many of the lower classes within the West Indies. This instability was heightened as a result families being separated in the initial stages of the migration process. Teenyboppers are more politically active, attempting to alter the prejudice British system through attachment to radical political organisations or left-wing theories, such as Marxism. Pryce suggests that teenyboppers maintain an irrational attitude towards their Negro background and are rejected by the 'white' British population they aspire to be like. This rejection is defensively countered by their rejection of society. It is both the hustlers and the teenybopper's of the 'black' community, which the media portray as the standard 'type' of 'black' individual. The derogatory stereotypical perception of West Indians is subsequently increased, bringing more discrimination and more isolation for the West Indian community. (Haralambos, 2000, page 230)
For Pryce, the in-betweeners are typically age between 18 - 35, are or aspire to be living the conventional British existence (placing importance on material success), maintain secure employment and are relatively well educated. The in-betweeners attempt to conform to the traditional British values and norms however, they do not dismiss their native heritage, thus promoting black pride and are typically against 'white' and 'black' integration. Pryce indicates that many talk of their return to the Caribbean, where they can participate in bettering their homeland. The in-betweeners socialise with the hustlers out of working hours, but do not partake in illegal activities apart from their occasional recreational use of marijuana.
Pryce describes the mainliners as rigidly law abiding well established conservative West Indian citizens. Mainliners are typically middle aged, maintaining respectable jobs and advocate the integration of the 'black' and 'white' communities. Pryce suggests that mainliners hold no aspirations to return to their native land and have attempted to completely absorb themselves into British culture. As such, there is conflict extended by the in-betweeners to the mainliners who are viewed as traitors of their 'black' origins. Pryce himself holds contempt of the mainliners as he stated that they "are nothing but pretentious pen-pushers who are less concerned with achieving results than with gaining recognition for themselves as individuals". (Haralambos, 2000, page 231)
The proletarian respectables and saints are both described by Pryce as hard working, working class, law-abiding and politically inactive citizens. Regardless of the fact that they endure discrimination, the proletarian respectables and saints relentlessly strive to achieve a secure occupation. Pryce maintains that this is a result of the harsh working conditions of their native land, which they had become habituated into. Britain, however discriminatory, offers a slightly more advantages, pertaining to working conditions, and so the proletarian respectables and saints perceive their new home as sanctuary in comparison. The saints are Pentecostalists, which indicates their strong belief in the afterlife, which they surmise is more pertinent then life itself. This eases their suffering, pertaining to the discrimination they endure throughout life. (Haralambos, 2000, page 231)
Pryce describes, in explicit detail, the 'frustrations and humiliations' that summarise the typical existence of 'black' individuals residing within Britain and extends the reader rationale behind the non-conformity and conformity among the West Indian population in Britain. He highlights the point that slavery and colonialism are a valid obstruction for the integration of the West Indians into the 'white' community, as the 'black' men are reminded of their ancestry and subsequently fight against any form of 'white' domination. Pryce's study highlights the validity of Ethnology, as there is are clear division of cultures among the West Indian community, concluding that the pre-judgment and classification of individuals of the same ethnic origin have little validity. (Haralambos, 2000, page 231)
In conclusion, it would appear that the issue of 'race' and the implications for whose not categorised as the 'superior white race', are still very much relevant in today's society. The study's, which are described in this essay, are approximately thirty years old, and perhaps to small degree dated, in terms of progression within society, thus one would surmise that race issues have been diluted through the passing of time. However, there is still a vast amount of current documentation to support that 'racism' is still very much a part of the British culture. For example a recent televised documentary tested the extent to which racism still exists, and discovered that discrimination specifically within the employment area and attempting to secure accommodation, is still prevalent in today's society.
When attempting to understand the explanation for such discrimination and sometimes hatred towards those of a different ethnic origin, acknowledgment of the historical documentation, depicting irrational beliefs pertaining to the inferior 'races', is in this writer's opinion, the most valid explanation. The 'race situation' has in effect 'snowballed' to cause a large division between the 'black' and 'white' populations.
The cultural differences between 'races' must also be recognised as a significant factor; however, racism still exists for those who conform to the dominant culture. The Capitalist structure within society could be perceived as the instigating factor, and explanation for the identification of an inferior 'race' for further exploitation and capital gain.
It would appear that in order to achieve a balanced sociological understanding of race, its foundations, connotations, and possible solution to the segregation, which still remains in modern society, a broad range of sociological perspectives and theories should be taken into consideration.
Bibliography
Haralambos, M. Sociology: New Directions Causeway Books, Ormskirk, Lancs, 1985.
Haralambos, M. Holborn, M. Sociology Themes and Perspectives, Harper Collins, London 5th edition, 2000.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/race
Race - Definitions Handout.
Pilkington, A. Race Relations in Britain, UTP, Slough, 1984.
Race - Section 8 Handout.
Race as an Aspect of Social Class - Handout.
Rex, J. Tomlinson, S. Colonial Immigrants in a British City: A Class Analysis, 1979 (Chapter 9, Working Class, Underclass and Third World Revolution)
