What was the attitude of Austria to liberalism and nationalism in the first half of the 19th century?

        Metternich faced the same enemies as all his “colleagues” did. In all countries the backgrounds of the revolts were very different between the middle classes and working classes, since both groups were interested in totally different things. The middle classes had more long term reasons, which were more political and cultural. The middle class’ interests for their countries were far more intellectual than their fellow rebels, the working class. They wanted a united country, common literature and music, and the right to take part of deciding what was to happen with the country’s present and future, these were symptoms of nationalism and early socialism.  The working class on the other hand were far more illiterate and only concentrated on the local community and keeping their family alive.  The workers and peasants’ demands were simply to have a leader who would lower the high taxes and change the land reforms, so they could get some land themselves.  The differences between the two classes were the same all over Europe, though mostly in Austria and German states where they still were culturally mixed, and led by unfair leaders.  

        Not only the population of the “Dual Monarchy” and the 39 German states were inspired by the flow of liberalism and nationalism throughout Europe. “Italy”, a culturally and economically mixed area, was also inspired by the French constitution, and was helped by Napoleon to create and build up a democracy in many areas.  The Napoleonic era was a large step towards a constitutional state in Italy; this was a large problem for Metternich. He did not want anybody to inspire his “people” with ideas of independence and civil rights.

Metternich also had valuable areas in northern Italy, where he enjoyed a large flow of money, since he had control and had large influence in the two major areas called Venetia and Lombardy, both with large industrial and large capitals; Milan and Venice. Letting the locals possessing power in such a critical period would simply kill off Metternich’s power both in Italy and Austria, resulting in a total loss of influence in the economy and discussions made in Europe. Metternich needed to stop the actions in Italy quickly, before they could succeed and spread the message of constitution and independence.

To keep the “old” Europe, Metternich called in ambassadors from all the major nations in Europe, so they together could plan how to restore the old absolute leaders, who could re-introduce the strict catholic and conservative system, so he could maintain his power and rules in Italy and Austria-Hungary. He reintroduced leaders into various parts of Italy to kill off any sign of constitution, such as freedom of religion and speech.

The power in Italy was divided this way:

• Piedmont, led by the House of Savoy (strong economy).
• Lombardy,  Austrian Rule (strong economy)
• Venetia, Strong Austrian influence (strong economy)
• Central Duchies, Austrian control
• Papal States, ruled by the Pope, protected by the French.
• Kingdom of Naples, Bourbon rule.

All the kings quickly gained power and erased all trails France had left behind. To bring back the pre-Napoleonic days, they had to replace the officers and government officials who had been appointed by Napoleon, with member from the old noble families.

This was a great result for Metternich, since he now had suppressed the liberal reforms and still had full power over the rich parts of Italy, Lombardy and Venetia. But this result was only shortly enjoyed, and stirred even more trouble.

The congress had ruined the Italian middle class’ dreams and Napoleons plans of a united and constitutional Italy. The nationalists did not give up, and wanted to materialize Napoleon’s plans, which he clearly expressed in the early 1800’s “Italy is one nation. Unity of customs, language and literature must at a period more or less distant unite her inhabitants under one government, and Rome without doubt will be chosen by the Italians as their capital”.  

These were the guidelines for the nationalists and liberalists of Italy. There were a lot of hesitations in many of the points though:

1. Was the discontent with the local leaders equal enough for a united fight against all of them?
2. Would “simple politics” such as nationalism and liberalism interest the peasants and workers enough to fight for the cause?
3. Would the sum of nationalism from all Italians even be strong enough to fight away the Austrians?

  This was a general question mark for all liberal members of the middle classes all over Europe. Many got help from nations abroad, and were led by strong characters to fight the authority, stirring up revolutions and wars for many years, until 1848 when five countries started a chain reaction of revolutions, all started by France. The middle class could at least strike with support from the working class, when they were suffering from the increasing population, increasing taxes, housing problems, food shortage and many other points that made the all the workers fed up, therefore willing to be part of a revolution.

        Prince Metternich’s opinion towards liberalism and nationalism was strongly negative, although it was clear that his middle class were not satisfied by the amount of influence and unity, and he could also see that his workers and peasants were all suffering. Money could not be earned out on the agrarian sector, and living in the city was directly deadly. Metternich was too busy living his life around the nobles who were all fine with the amount of culture and economic safety they had.

Liberalism and Nationalism were a direct threat towards his plans for his Multi-National state and the areas around it that he also dominated. Sadly for him in the end, he was struck by the revolution wave, flowing across Europe, washing the noble families away from their throne.

Contents Page

1. Front page
2. Contents page
3. Introduction + Body
4. + 6. Body

7. Body + Conclusion

8. Bibliography

Bibliography:

• Farmer, Alan and Stiles, Andrina, The Unification of Germany 1815-1919 Third Edition. London, England. Hodder Education, 2007.
• Pearce, Robert and Stiles, Andrina, The Unification of Italy 1815-70 Third Edition. London, England. Hodder Education, 2006.

Front page picture from:

http://www.battlefield-europe.co.uk/admin/editor/area_editor/assets/Metternich.jpg

---