Zillmann (1971, cited in Baron and Richardson, 1994) found that after watching an explicit erotic film male subjects gave stronger shocks to a male target who had previously annoyed them, than did subjects who were also angered by this person but who had watched a neutral film. Bryant and Sillmann (1982, cited in Baron and Richardson, 1994) discovered that when people are acutely annoyed mild pornography did not reduce aggression, but regardless of the level of provocation explicit sexual material led to increased aggression; non-violent pornography increases aggression only in people who have been provoked (Brehm et al, 1999). Tannenbaum (1971, cited in Nelson, 1982) found that subjects became more aggressive after watching an erotic film than after an aggressive film, watching a neutral film resulted in the lowest levels of aggression. Tannenbaum also provides support that erotic films are very arousing as the mean blood pressure for the erotic group was very high. A number of studies have found that women become at least as aroused as males after watching erotic materials (Rosen and Beck, 1988, cited in Renfrew, 1997). Baron (1979, cited in Baron and Richardson, 1994) also found, aggression levels in females were increased after watching strong sexually arousing material.
Violent sexually arousing material is often featured in mainstream films, and the material can affect viewers' sexually related beliefs, attitudes and behaviour (Brehm, 1999). Donnerstein and Malamuth (1997, cited in Brehm 1999) found that male-male aggression is no higher after exposure to violent pornography than after exposure to highly arousing, but non-violent pornography, however male-female aggression is greatly increased. Violent pornography can increase aggressive behaviour without provocation. The evidence supports the arousal-effect model, as high arousal and negative emotions result in greatly increased levels of aggression. Malamuth (cited in Brehm, 1999) developed the "rapist's profile," men fit the profile if they show attitudes and opinions accepting violence towards women and have high levels of sexual arousal in response to violent pornography. Men who fit into the rapist's profile are likely to be more aggressive towards a female confederate who had angered them. Viewing violent pornography may lead to aggression, but also people who behave aggressively may prefer to watch violent TV programmes, therefore aggression may be circular and self-sustaining (Green, 1990). However, Malamuth and Ceniti (1986, cited in Renfrew, 1997) found that when violent pornography had been viewed long-term (over four weeks) it had no effect on male aggression 3 to 14 days later against females in a teacher-learner situation. Therefore the effects of watching violet pornography on TV may dissipate rapidly afterwards. Donnerstein (cited in Renfrew, 1997) supports this by saying that although violent pornography is more likely to produce aggression there is no evidence that it has long term effects which result in increased aggression outside the laboratory.
It is important to look at the effect watching sexually explicit material can have on aggressive behaviour towards women. If violent pornography shows the women victim enjoying being assaulted, it is likely to cause an increase in feelings of violence towards women (Green, 1990). Donnerstein (1980, cited in Green, 1990) found that after watching a violent rape scene male participants gave significantly higher shocks to a female victim, than to a male victim, even if the subject had no reason to be angry with the victim. Donnerstein and Hallam (1978, cited in Baron and Richardson, 1994) investigated the effect of multiple exposure on aggressive behaviour, as men typically have an inhibition against hurting females, providing multiple opportunities may encourage aggressive behaviour. Immediately after watching elicit material males were equally aggressive towards women and men, however after a 10-minute delay they were more aggressive towards women, therefore decreasing the subjects from their inhibition about harming females. Donnerstein (1984, cited in Baron and Richardson, 1994) concluded that in order for sexually explicit material to increase aggression towards women, aggressive inhibitors must be lowered; a number of things such as drugs, alcohol and anger can facilitate aggression towards women. Donnerstein (1983, cited in Baron and Richardson, 1994) found aggression towards males was highest after watching non-aggressive-pornography, whereas aggression towards females was highest after watching aggressive-pornography. It is therefore likely that portrayals of violence against women on the TV are likely to increase the probability of violence towards real women (Baron and Richardson, 1994). However, Mosher (1971, cited in Nelson, 1982) found after males watched erotic films there was no increase in callous or insensitive attitudes towards women. Mosher supports the idea that non-aggressive pornography does not promote aggressive behaviour or attitudes towards women as there was no increase in aggressive verbal comment.
Most research looks at the immediate effects of pornographic material, however in real life it may be more important to consider the effects long-term or massive exposure may have on aggressive behaviour. Zillmann and Bryant (1984, cited in Brehm, 1999) showed male and female college students 0, 18 or 36 non-violent erotic films over a six week period. They were then shown new pornographic material, it was found that those who had the most exposure had the least arousal to the new material. This led to the subjects in the greatest exposure group becoming the least aggressive after watching the pornographic film. However, when questioned, they recommended a lighter sentence for a rapist, and lower support for the women's liberation movement. Therefore although massive exposure to pornography may not seem particularly problematic in terms of subsequent behaviour, but the effect on attitudes may be more serious.
There are a number of problems with research into aggression, much of the research into non-sexual aggression uses shock methodology (such as a teacher-learner Milgram experiment), this means it is carried out in the laboratory and so great care must be taken when generalising to real life situations. It is therefore difficult to make predictions from the results to the effect pornography has on subsequent aggressive behaviour. Other methods, particularly to investigate sexual aggression use self-report which can be very unreliable as participants are likely to bias the results and their beliefs may not match their actual behaviour. It is therefore very important that when considering the effect that watching pornography has on aggressive behaviour the results are treated carefully and assumptions are not made. There are many individual differences in response to pornography, what one person may find appealing, another may find distasteful, therefore resulting in a different emotional response and different levels of aggression. The conflicting results show that the slightly different methods used may account for the different levels of aggression recorded, highlighting that there are many variables which determine the effect watching sexually explicit material can have on subsequent aggressive behaviour.
In conclusion, most of the research supports the arousal-effect model, that aggression is effected by the intensity of arousal as well as the type of emotion produced by the stimulus, this can be applied to both non-violent and violent pornography. Therefore watching pornography can both increase aggression levels as well as inhibit them. It would appear that watching non-violent explicit material is only likely to make subsequent behaviour more aggressive if provoked and the material is highly arousing. However violent pornography is likely to have more detrimental effects as there is no need for provocation to cause increased aggression, particularly towards females. If the female victim looks as though she is enjoying being attacked, it is likely to result in higher aggression levels. Aggressive behaviours are likely to be facilitated if drugs, alcohol and anger are present. There are however conflicting results, which may be explained by the methods used to access aggression levels, it is also unlikely the laboratory findings relate closely to real life. As most research follows the same pattern there is a clear possibility that pornography could contribute to sexual aggression towards women, the implications for this should be carefully considered.
Bibliography
Baron, R. A. and Richardson, D. R. (1994) Human Aggression. New York: Plenum Press.
Brehm, S. S., Kassin. S. M. and Fein, S. (1999) Social Psychology. U.S.A: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Green. R. G. (1990) Human Aggression. Milton Keynes: Open University Press
Reber, A.S. and Reber, E. (2001) The Penguin Dictionary of Psychology. London, England: Penguin.
Renfrew, J. W. (1997) Aggression and its causes a biopsychological approach. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Yaffé, M. and Nelson, E. C. (1982) The influence of pornography on behaviour. London: Academic Press.
