Was the work of Gustav Stresemann the main reason for the Weimar governments ability to overcome the challenges it faced during 1919 to 1929?
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by
Nuria
Was the work of Gustav Stresemann the main reason for the Weimar government’s ability to overcome the challenges it faced during 1919 to 1929?
Gustav Stresemann became Chancellor of Germany during a period of widespread instability within the country. Described as ‘Weimar Germany’s Greatest Statesman’ by British historian Jonathan Wright, Stresemann’s diplomatic leadership amongst his effective management of the German economy have undoubtedly had a profound influence in the state of the country. In October 1926 he was awarded the highly prestigious Nobel peace prize – illustrating that his influence had reverberated throughout the entire world. It is therefore of no surprise that many will perceive him as a savior of Germany; a vital factor to the country’s growth and success in the 1920s. Many will also view him as a significant contributor to the country’s ability to overcome the major challenges it had been confronted with at the time. But to determine whether Stresemann’s efforts to improve the status of Weimar Germany were the main reason for the government’s ability to subdue the many obstacles they faced, one must explore three principal questions:
. What challenges were faced by the government?
2. Which of these challenges were overcome and in what ways?
3. To what extent had Germany recovered from these challenges?
A fundamental challenge faced by the Weimar government was the highly conservative nature of the German political culture. Following the establishment of the Weimar Republic, there was a prevailing sentiment of suspicion towards democracy. People were accustomed to the traditional forms of government – this new system was based on discussion and elections, which in a way made it appear more weak and indecisive to many. This negative outlook towards democracy was definitely exacerbated by the imposition of the Treaty of Versailles. From the very outset, the Weimar government had been undermined through its acceptance of The Treaty of Versailles. The Republic therefore became associated with this widely abhorred treaty – something Germans perceived as outright betrayal. Unsurprisingly so, there was a lot of bitter resentment towards the Weimar government and the politicians whom had signed the Versailles treaty, dubbed the ‘November criminals’ by the vast majority of the German population.
The challenges faced by the government grew as time went by. The introduction of press freedom with the ability to form political parties developed a breeding ground for political extremism in Weimar Germany. Between the years of 1919 and 1924, there was widespread political violence taking place in Germany. One feature of this was a wave of assassinations that had been carried out, namely that of Walther Rathenau. Such brought about considerable instability into the country, consequently making the duty more difficult for the government. Indeed the threat of political extremism (from both ends of the political spectrum) increased even further through the emergence and growth of extremist groups, such as the far left ‘sparticists’ and far right ‘Freikorps’. Action was needed by the government so as to eliminate these radical elements within the Republic.
As one would expect in such a politically chaotic country, its economy too, would be in a state of considerable disorder. Post-war Germany was left economically deprived; with a lack of resources and widespread poverty. The new administration would have to deal with improving the economic situation as well as paying the war reparations demanded by the allies. The situation was aggravated when the government began to print out more money for reparation payment. A hyperinflation was soon triggered with prices of goods soaring high disproportionate to income levels. The government was indeed in a major predicament by ...
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As one would expect in such a politically chaotic country, its economy too, would be in a state of considerable disorder. Post-war Germany was left economically deprived; with a lack of resources and widespread poverty. The new administration would have to deal with improving the economic situation as well as paying the war reparations demanded by the allies. The situation was aggravated when the government began to print out more money for reparation payment. A hyperinflation was soon triggered with prices of goods soaring high disproportionate to income levels. The government was indeed in a major predicament by this point.
Amongst all the economic discontent, political disarray and havoc, were racist sentiments deeply entrenched within German political culture. The vast majority of Germans shared the notion that white European civilisation was inherently superior to other cultures in Africa and Asia. Some Germans supported the ‘racial war’ which led to the genocide of Herero and Namaqua, two groups living in one of Germany’s colonies in Africa from 1906. Accompanied by this was the long-standing anti-Semitic nature of German political culture. German anti-Semites attributed blame to Jews for a number of calamities. In the 1880s they were blamed for spreading plague, poisoning German children, and corrupting German culture through music, literature and drama. Racist sentiments of this type were extremely influential in Imperial Germany. Such views did not disappear with the fall of the empire but continued to influence German politics after the creation of the German republic. This in itself proved a challenge for the government; as such convictions would need to be abandoned in order for Germany to embrace true democracy.
In August 1923, Stresemann became chancellor and foreign minister of Germany and his legacy would indeed help Germany improve dramatically. His negotiation of the Dawes Plan, 1924 helped stimulate economic recovery through US loans. Germany’s economy was finally booming and this famous period became known as the 'Golden Age of Weimar'. In terms of foreign affairs, Stresemann was an exemplary diplomat successfully negotiating different pacts and treaties with a number of world powers. Some of these included the Locarno Pact of 1925, the Kellog-Briand pact, and Treaty of Berlin with the USSR. Stresemann even managed to deal with the issue of French occupation of the Ruhr, bringing about French withdrawal in 1924. In 1926, Stresemann was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize – a testament to his hard efforts and all that he’d achieved in Weimar Germany.
Taking these successes into account, one may come to the conclusion that Stresemann was in fact the main reason for the Weimar government’s ability to overcome the challenges it faced during 1919 to 1929. After all, he managed to improve the economy, the international status of Germany – otherwise damaged from WWI, as well as contributed to the reduction of political extremism in the country; a product of economic growth. However, while that may be a valid interpretation of Stresemann’s leadership, it does not explore the many issues that were still not tackled with; those that yet remained in Weimar Germany.
One of which would be the political divisions in German politics. Liberals, socialists, conservatives, nationalists… These Political divisions were exemplified by divisions in German society. Political parties had their own books, magazines, bars, choirs, sports clubs etc. Indeed it made it very difficult for political parties to collaborate during the 1920s and early 1930s. This therefore made German government rather tricky because proportional representation meant it was difficult for a single party to win a majority in the Reichstag. Coalition governments were necessary where parties had to work together – yet these often resulted in a lot of disagreement thereby undermining the new constitution. Stresemann was unable to solve this inherent weakness of the Weimar constitution and it remained within successive governments.
Another one of Stresemann’s faults would be creating an economy that is over-dependent on American loans. In a way, there was a sense of artificiality with the economic boom that occurred in Germany and this was illustrated when the Wall street crash broke out in 1929 and the Great Depression completely shattered the German economy. Stresemann himself is reported to have said -
"The economic position is only flourishing on the surface. Germany is in fact dancing on a volcano. If the short-term credits are called in, a large section of our economy would collapse"
-in a Speech he made shortly before his death on the 3rd of October 1929. Stresemann is thus criticised for bringing short-term economic recovery to Germany as opposed to long-term economic security and prosperity.
Over and above that, Stresemann was unsuccessful in trying to get to grips with the prejudice and racist attitudes circulating the nation. German political culture was still heavily dominated by anti-Semitism, Social Darwinism and notions of white superiority. This was demonstrated to a larger extent through Hitler’s mass support in the later elections. It can thus be argued that Stresemann was in fact unsuccessful in certain aspects of his leadership.
But another way of exploring this interpretation would be to try and identify other elements within the Weimar government whom played their role in overcoming major challenges faced by the Republic. While Stresemann’s input was paramount, one must also acknowledge the other existing factors that helped save Weimar democracy to a certain extent.
Undoubtedly, the contributions made by other major Weimar leaders also aided the Republic in its survival. While President Ebert was not the president many anticipated and did not fit German society’s paradigm of the ‘strong, charismatic’leader that right-wingers particularly longed for. He was, however, an effective democratic politician. He made compromises with the army and was prepared to work with the largely right-wing civil service and judiciary. This ability to compromise bought the new regime time and kept the Republic going through the crisis years of 1919-1924. Paul von Hindenburg too was instrumental in Weimar Germany’s survival. In 1928, Hindenburg used his power as President to appoint SPD leader – Hermann Muller as German chancellor. This arrangement between a Conservative nationalist and a socialist illustrated that some political divisions existent in Germany could well be overcome after all. Hindenburg’s presidency also managed to give the German right a reason to support the regime, thereby resulting in more stability within the country overall.
Arguably, a significant reason for the Republic’s ability to defy the challenges it came across would ironically be the threat of the left. While some would suggest this in itself was an obstacle for the government, it is actually far-left radicalism in which helped the Weimar government stay in order. The prospect of a communist revolution was what prompted cooperation between moderate socialists and the far right. They united for the purpose of destroying the communist menace, and while such an alliance reinforced divisions within left-wing politics, it did in fact stabilise the country, helping eliminate the existing threat of communism.
Accompanied by this alliance was the frequent use of Article 48 of the Weimar constitution. It gave the president power to rule by decree without the consent of the Reichstag. President Ebert used article 48 during the crisis years of 1919-1924. During his presidency, Ebert used article 48 in 136 occasions! This helped defeat the threats to the Weimar republic from the left, such as the Ruhr uprising of March 1920. It is often argued that the continuous utilisation of article 48 established the precedent to future governments that the president could use Article 48 outside of emergencies. German democracy was thereby undermined through the article’s exploitation. Needless to say, it very much did assist Germany and stabilised it during a period of profound disorder and mayhem
Overall, the interpretation that the work of Gustav Stresemann was the main reason for the Weimar government’s ability to overcome the challenges it faced during 1919 to 1929 is indeed one that is high in validity. As had been covered, Stresemann was able to bring about great success in Germany through economic improvement, the reduction of political extremism, as well as the improvement of international relations. Nevertheless, his rule still did come with its shortcomings, namely the existing political divisions, widespread racist sentiments and a highly dependent economy. Beyond all, Gustav Stresemann was still not the sole contributor towards German stability and prosperity in the 1920s. As had been clarified, Ebert, Hindenburg, article 48 and right-wing cooperation all had a certain involvement in this.
While other factors certainly had their part, It seems however, that Stresemann was indeed the main reason for the Weimar’s government’s ability to overcome the challenges it faced during 1919 to 1929. If it wasn’t for Stresemann’s leadership, political extremism may have still remained a major threat to the government. It was due to Stresemann’s economic policies that such a threat was actually diminished. Should the prospect of a far-left revolt have persisted, perhaps the history of Weimar government may have turned out entirely different. Moreover, Stresemann’s ability to improve the country’s international status also helped it, in that the allies now had a better relationship with Germany. This meant Germany more support and as a result, was no longer left in an isolated and vulnerable state. I therefore agree with the given interpretation that it was predominantly Gustav Stresemann’s service that helped eliminate the challenges confronting the government at the time. The other factors alone do not appear strong enough to have overcome such challenges, and it seems that without the support of Gustav Stresemann, Weimar Germany would have most likely encountered even larger complications throughout its existence.
by
Nuria
