To what extent was the rise to dominance of company law in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the inevitable consequence of technological advance?

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To what extent was the rise to dominance of company law in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the inevitable consequence of technological advance?

During this period of history, Britain experienced what came to be known as the ‘second industrial revolution’ – a period of major industrialization with changes to British industry as a whole, and further to this, a change in the idea of the ‘company’ or firm.  Hand in hand with this were technological advances, which it has been said spurred on this major change to life in Britain.  Industry was expanding not least because of the growing importance of other industries such as the motor trade, metals and electrical engineering, but whilst this was a major cause of the growth in industry, was it in fact the reason for the triumph of company law in the early twentieth century?  In this essay I intend to explore technological advance in this period, how much of an effect it had on company law as such, and to look further at other features of this age which could have affected the rise of company law.

By 1914, company law had overtaken the Joint Stock Company and the law of partnership as the most dominant form of industrial organization in Britain.  As mentioned previously, this is often attributed to the increase in technological advances and the changes this made to industrial Britain. There was ‘a relative decline of agriculture compared with other sectors such as industry’, and new industries were growing steadily throughout the nineteenth century, for example metals, mining and chemical trades.  This was largely due to advances made in these fields, and with increased output came a rise in employment, most notably in the new industries of electrical engineering, and the motor trade.  ‘Mechanized mass production was spreading throughout the manufacturing industry’ ,  and ‘big business’ was dominating Britain in one way or another, be it the larger scale production, or the large scale business organization.  However, technological advance was not necessarily the main reason for this increase.  The First Census of Production in 1907 showed the strength of old industries such as textiles, coal and iron and their supremacy in the areas of employment, production and exports.  In fact, Britain tended to lag in the export trade in the newer industries, the ones making advances, whereas it was the cotton industry, which exported 84% of its output that really held control in overseas trading.

Despite the older industries dominating over the newer advances, the ‘mass production’ which was allowed through technological development meant changes to industrial Britain – and not on its production or output.  Many structural changes started to take place within the organization of industries.  This advancing technology needed greater resources and capital for its development – for machinery, factory space and materials, and this in turn led to great changes to business.  In the early period of this revolution, ‘there was no sudden technological transformation’ , and the capital needed was low – there were very few fixed assets required at this time, and business was still often financed by borrowing from family or friends or taking out loans and mortgages.  However, steadily throughout the 1800’s, the need for capital started to increase and with this came the rise of the Joint Stock Company.

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The Joint Stock Company was not unknown at this time – it was dominant in fields where a large amount of capital was required, and was seen largely in the areas of railways, banking and insurance.  It has often been said that the reason for its small impact in the early past of the century was the Bubble Act of 1720 which effectively prohibited Joint Stocks – one could get parliamentary consent, but it was costly, and consent was rarely given to the industrial sectors.  Further to this was the view that Joint Stock Companies were largely ‘viewed as ...

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