However, the Cult of Personality was a more significant factor in Stalin’s extension of social control in the 1930s than the Great Terror. While the failings of the regime, were obvious and hard-felt, the Cult of Personality ensured Russians remained loyal and gratuitous to Stalin himself. The Cult of Stalin was underpinned by official histories such as A Short Course of the History of The All Union Communist Party which exaggerated his role in the October Revolution and ridiculed his former rivals. Texts and films such as these led to the myth of the two leaders, which depicted Stalin as Lenin’s equal or better. This idea became was cemented as Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism became the official ideology of the communist party. The Cult of Stalin and Lenin further served as a form of social control as it provided a popular focus for communism. Stalin’s birthday became a national holiday and citizens could participate in the Cults by purchasing painting of the two men or collections of their speeches. At a time when consumer goods were scarce and diet generally poor, engaging in these cults served as a distraction from the failings of the regime. Ultimately, while the Great Terror inspired loyalty and provided a method for ordinary Russians to express their frustrations, the Cult of Personality did more to elevate Stalin in the eyes of the people. Being seen as carrying on the work of Lenin, a secular saint in the eyes of many, Stalin gained the loyalty and enthusiasm of Russians which underpinned social control.
To a lesser extent, social policy formed a part of Stalin’s social control in the 1930s. The government extended social control by ensuring families and sex lives were in accordance with the regime’s values. This was achieved by using incentives; state help was available to women who had more than six children. The success of this policy can be seen as over 4,000 women applied for grants within the first month of this policy. The government also used law to extend social control criminalising adultery and homosexuality in 1936. In addition, the importance of marriage was emphasised and promoted by introducing wedding rings and special wedding certificates printed on high quality paper. Meanwhile divorce was made more complicated and expensive, and men who left their wives were forced to pay 60% of their wages in child support. The governments aims successful, as by 1937 91% of men and 82% of women in their thirties were married. Education was also used as a method of social control, with the new curriculum stressing discipline and national tradition. Russia pre-1917, Russia was described as a “prison of the peoples” and students were taught why communism was the best system in the world. The ultimate aim of school was to produce disciplined and educated workers ready to contribute to the fulfilment of the Five Year Plans. In this sense, Stalin’s social policy did play a considerable role in his extension of social control in the 1930s. While his social policy did not spur as much personal loyalty as the Cult of Personality did, the government’s ideal values were widely promoted and asserted throughout society.
In conclusion, The Great Terror was not the main, but an important form of Stalin’s social control in the 1930s. It served as a public display that Stalin was a powerful and trustworthy leader who could eliminate potential threats to the communist regime and in turn inspired ordinary Russian’s to follow Stalin’s example. Stalin’s social policy was also an effective means of social control as it ensured the governments values were spread throughout society, by incentives, law or compulsory education. However, the Cult of Personality was the most effective manner in which Stalin gained loyalty and trust of the Russians, and ensured the popularity of communism, through the popular cult, even when the regime failed them. In this sense, this perception of Stalin, achieved by the Cult of Personality was the main form of social control in the 1930s.