Essentially, it was the Vietnam War that polarised the dissenting voice of students, and the student press that carried (and articulated) that voice into the mainstream. A 1965 poll by Honi Soit found for the first time, that the majority of students (68%) opposed the war (website 1. 2002) and shortly there after the first student-led anti-war protests were staged in Sydney. This reflected an international phenomenon. Across the world, students were rising to call their leaders to account – from the civil rights protests in America, to the near overthrow of the DeGaulle government in France (Hastings, 2003 pp.7-13) – and similarly, the student press was challenging the mainstream media’s role and responsibilities, and providing an alternative voice.
In Australia (and much of the West) the emergence of the student movement, and subsequently, the student press, was fueled by the rapid growth of the tertiary education sector, the introduction of state subsidised education, and the radical shift in the role of education and universities in society (Hastings, 2003 p.8), which meant that more young people than ever before were being educated and had the chance to collectively question the establishment. It was at this point the establishment, as represented by university administrations (and even student unions), retaliated. Issues of Tharunka and Honi Soit were banned and editors were fired. (websites 7&8, 2001&1999) As Neville describes, “the sledgehammer of censorship struck, and struck again and again, leading to a surprising discovery. We were not alone… we had an inkling of that, owing to the ripple of campus discontent. Not only were we not alone, we [had] turned into a youth-quake.” (website 2. 2003) Students were responding to the doctrines of the hegemony, engaging the powers-that-be and participating in the flow of power – a relationship which implies, according to Foucault, a “strategy of struggle”. (Foucault, 1982 p.224)
Student-media became, if you like, a “strategy of struggle” – a struggle against ideological oppression and censorship. By today’s standards we might consider such acts of censorship crass and un-democratic. We might consider our society beyond such unenlightened processes of repression, though closer examination of the media environment suggests otherwise. Political scientist John Keane talks about “market censorship” – a force that disguises market freedom as freedom of expression. He defines it as “the restriction of media content to that which fits the corporate consensus” (Keane, 1991 p.91). As student-media’s traditional sources of funding (discussed further below) come under increasing threat, its dependence on advertising revenue increases. Last year at Pulp for example, several advertisers withdrew advertising following criticisms of America following the September 11 terrorist attacks. (Pulp, issue 3, 2002), adding substantial pressure to its budget. Subsequently, this year’s editors have had to promise advertising revenue equaling greater than 25% of the whole budget (SCU SRC Minute#307 31/10/02) which cannot help but affect content choice. Keane’s argument that the free market has hijacked free speech is supported by a synonymous argument by Macquarie University’s Graham Meikle, who proposes another form of censorship he defines as “corporate censorship” (Meikle, 2002 p.76) where capitalism commandeers democracy through libel litigation. Pulp recently received a $750,000 law suit after criticisms of the operation of the SCU Student Union (Pulp#3, 2003 p.4) and if successful, could effectively bankrupt the SRC. Editors of student-media today are constantly subjected to complex issues of commercial censorship. John Berger foresaw this thirty years ago in the landmark Ways of Seeing, where he proposed “consumption [was becoming] a substitute for democracy” (Berger,1972 p.149) – but I don’t suppose we could see that far ahead.
Although most early student-media participants (and students themselves) came from affluent and influential sections of society (website 7, 2001), the struggle was less about physical freedom and more about freedom of thoughts and ideas. With the revolution of critical theory in universities, students were better positioned to apply these theories to society than most. This is where student-media best personified the early notion of experimental media. It didn’t always get it right, but it became a valuable means to question the mainstream. Where student politics assumed the role of defacto conscience to mainstream politics, so too did the student-media assume such a role with the mainstream media.
The power of the media, specifically the press, lies largely with its power of representation – its interpretation and portrayal of people, places and situations – and its ability to manipulate those things, whether intentionally or not, to its own ends. The student press, free from the commercial, industrial and political influences and constraints of the mainstream press, provided a real alternative voice, and perhaps more importantly, highlighted the tendency of those influences and constraints to go unnoticed.
The student press’ influential role critiquing the dominant hegemony was (and probably remains) a fairly successful and straightforward affair. Responding or reacting to a force is a much simpler “struggle” than proposing or creating one. The other function of student-media – student representation – is a far more complex and difficult animal.
Successful representation hinges on the notion of identity, and student identity is as difficult as any. When identity is used as a means of social solidarity (as opposed to the subjective) it becomes a construct (Woodward, 1997 pp.313-317), and constructs, as the meaning suggests, need maintenance. A recent online debate on student-media censorship of Australian Defence Department advertisements provided this response, “As usual the censoring swine run rampant on the ‘progressive left’… no wonder the student press generally reads like it was cobbled together by ritalin tweenies clutching sociology textbooks.” (website 9, 2003) This contributor obviously felt unrepresented and outside the “progressive left” identity often associated with the student press.
Today, as a result of the expansion of education in the 1960’s and 1970’s, students represent a wider socio-economic-political spectrum than ever before. The introduction of HECS fees has created a more business-like approach to gaining education and subsequently students have less time to run newspapers and explore political possibilities. This year at Southern Cross University for example, every position on the Student Representative Council, including editorship of the SRC’s publication, Pulp, was elected uncontested (SCU SRC Minutes, 31/10/02) indicating a lack of interest. Similar scenarios prevail at campuses across Australia.
Attempts by the current government to introduce voluntary student unionism and recent moves by the Young Liberals to achieve the same through the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (website 12, 2002) appear to be gaining favour with students. These events reflect a wider movement in student culture and threaten the primary funding source of independent student publications. Anecdotal evidence suggests many students resent being forced to join student unions and pay these fees. Increasingly common opinions on internet forums such as, “this absolute right of choice [to not join unions] already extends to workers… it is only natural that [it] should also extend to students” (website 11, 2000), and, “I can think of millions of better things to do with my $300!” (website 10, 2000) suggest there is widespread discontent. The relevance of student associations to students today is constantly being questioned on these sites and the responses (if any) rarely surpass rhetoric. (website 15, 2000)
There is no doubt student culture has changed, though there appears to be a political resistance to acknowledging this change. The messages I receive from students on my campus and those that I see from other campuses on the internet sites mentioned seem to greatly conflict with the messages emanating from the National Union of Students (website 13, 2002) – the collective voice of student associations who fund student-media. Downing and O’Connor suggest that “understanding culture is central to understanding human communication” (Downing, J. et al 1995 p.5) and I’d propose the same applies to student culture. To plot these changes in more meaningful ways than just demographics, true representation is crucial. Stuart Hall states that “representation connects meaning and language to culture” (Hall, 1997 pg.15) and if we are to find out what students want – what it means to be a student – then real understanding of student culture can only come from students themselves. Walter Lippmann said sixty years ago that “the role of the press is to keep a community in conversation with itself” (website 14, 2003) – creating a functional discourse – and I believe student-media is failing in this role in the student community. Student-media’s traditional role of critiquing the mainstream hegemony has been taken up by newer forms of alternative media, like Indymedia (Meikle, 2002 pp.32-55) which have adopted new methods and technologies. Student-media needs to focus on its future and consolidate its place in student culture in order to function as a media before it can credibly critique the mainstream. This, I believe is the true role and challenge of student-media for the future. As the traditional institutions of student political representation are being reassessed, or more specifically, fighting for survival, it is no wonder that student representation in student-media is also in a state of confusion and flux. Perhaps the structures that currently support the student press are unsustainable in the future. Perhaps new means of carrying student-media (such as the internet) need to be better explored.
Whatever the case, if student-media is to truly mean something to students, it must provide a platform for true representation, or risk becoming irrelevant – because ultimately without students, who provide its purpose and its means, it is simply one more media drowning in a sea of mediocrity.
Note: Student print media falls roughly into three categories based on funding. The most common are those funded by student associations, less common are those funded by administrations such as universities, and least common are those entirely independent of both bureaucracies. (website 6, 2002) The focus of this essay will be on those publications produced by student associations as these are owned, operated and controlled by students, and best reflect and represent student ideas and ideals.
Bibliography:
Berger, John (1972) Ways of Seeing Hammondsworth: Penguin
Downing, J. & O’Connor, A. (eds) (1995) Questioning the Media: A Critical Introduction 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Foucault, M. 1981 The history of sexuality Vol 1, Hammondsworth: Penguin
Hall, S. (1997) Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices London: Sage
Hastings, Graham (2003) It Can’t Happen Here Adelaide: Empire Times Press
Keane, John (1991) The Media and Democracy Cambridge, UK: Polity Press
Meikle, Graham (2002) Future Active: Media Activism and the Internet Australia: Pluto Press
Pulp (2002) Issue 3 Volume 7. Lismore: Northern Star Press
Pulp (2003) Issue 3 Volume 8. Ballina: Quality Plus Printers
SCU SRC Minutes of Ordinary Meeting, 31/10/02, Minute # 307/2002(SRC)
SCU SRC Minutes of Ordinary Meeting, 26/02/03, Minute # 317/2003(SRC)
Woodward, Kathryn (ed) (1997) Identity and Difference London: Sage
Websites:
1. www.usyd.edu.au/publications/gazette/timeline.html (Downloaded 27/3/03)
2. (D/L 23/3/03)
3. http://www.richardneville.com.au/Main_pages/Oz_story.html Oz covers (D/L 1/4/03)
4. website for Australasian music and popular culture 1964-1975 (D/L 1/04/03)
5. (D/L 8/4/03)
6. (D/L 23/03/03)
7. (D/L 8/04/03)
8. (D/L 8/04/03)
9. (D/L 15/04/03)
10. (D/L 15/04/03)
11. (D/L 15/04/03)
12. (D/L 15/04/03)
13. (D/L 15/04/03)
14. http://www.mtsu.edu/~masscomm/seig96/blanchrd/brown.htm (D/L 15/04/03)
15. http://www4.gu.edu.au/cgi-bin/netforum/ac02/a/8--7.5.1.2.1
