''To what extend did the growth of overseas trade led to Britain's Industrial revolution?''
''To what extend did the growth of overseas trade led to Britain's Industrial revolution?'' Introduction The development of Britain as a modern industrial economy, happened simultaneously with the expansion of foreign trade and that led many scholars to stress on the significance of exports. Some went even further to express the idea, that the growth during the industrial revolution depended on the overseas trade. During the industrial revolution,some of the major developing industries ,like textiles and coal,grew even more by selling their products abroad. The technological innovations of the late 18th century made the British goods cheaper,''attracting'' export markets,and soon Britain became the new commercial capital and the ''international industry'' of Europe because of its exports. However, it seems that this flourishing of trade did not contribute substantially to the industrial revolution since the benefits of trade in the economy are much higher after the classical years of industrial revolution,although the trade's importance should not be neglected or even worse be underestimated. For example,in 18th century, the proportion of national income derived from exports and then spent on imports doubled in comparison to the national income. However, in 19th century although the ratio of trade to national income continued to grow,paradoxically this ratio did not
The ancien rgime is the name for the political and social structure in France that was in place from the Middle Ages and largely satisfied the needs of the French people up until the Revolution.
The ancien régime is the name for the political and social structure in France that was in place from the Middle Ages and largely satisfied the needs of the French people up until the Revolution. Under the regime, the mid eighteenth century saw France as the most powerful and prosperous economic centre of Europe, only surpassed by Great Britain. However, as time progressed and revolution grew nearer, certain signs pointed to the inevitability of the event. Pre-revolution France was a place of great social separation, with social status being largely determined not by wealth and economic standing, but by the division into the traditional Estates, determined by heredity and rank. Inequality was fundamental to this scheme and could not be eliminated, as doing so would break to foundations that held the system together. This was seen as being particularly discriminatory and disenchanted many members of the French society. The regime particularly aggravated the bourgeoisie, as they were in themselves worthy of privilege and class because of their achievements, yet were not provided with any because of their standing in the Third Estate. As the eighteenth century progressed in France, certain signs pointed to the inevitably predetermined Revolution of 1789. Whilst it may be argued that the government did not take suitable precautions to prevent the French Revolution, the system
How and with what success did Russia industrialise in the late nineteenth century until 1914?
How and with what success did Russia industrialise in the late nineteenth century until 1914? During the late nineteenth century the Russian government undertook a policy of rapid industrialisation which, due to a combination of factors, drove the desire to industrialise Russia for the principle aim of keeping the 'façade' of her militaristic strength and power status. It was evident to Alexander III that Russia's defeat in the Crimean War highlighted its backwardness compared to other great European nations such as France and Britain, and revealed a need to modernise and industrialise. It forced the government to recognise the vital relationship between industrial strength and military power. This became further apparent after the use of railways and modern weaponry in the German Unification wars during the late nineteenth century; and diplomatic defeat in the Congress of Berlin in 1878 by other European powers. In addition, Russia had not undergone an industrial revolution which "would transform its military capacity not simply through increased productivity but through the gather pace of technological development spawned by the industrial revolution" - whereas its rivals, namely Germany and Britain, already had. In economic terms the government saw a number of ways in which industrialisation was necessary. They found a need to develop their own resources instead of
Imagine that you are writing a study of Paris during the Terror. In an essay of no more than 800 words consider the following three questions:
Yvonne Jane Robinson TMA04 Course Code: A(ZX)103 Imagine that you are writing a study of Paris during the Terror. In an essay of no more than 800 words consider the following three questions: . What kind of primary source is this and what strengths and weaknesses does it have as a source for your study? 2. Are there any particular words and phrases in the document that require elucidation or special comment before you can make sense of it? 3. What can you learn from this source with respect to Paris during the Terror? You should distinguish, where appropriate, between witting and unwitting testimony. The extract is part of a speech delivered before the French Convention on 25 June 1793, by Jacques Roux, one of the leaders of the enragés. He requested a Constitutional Act to be in place against the hoarding of food stocks, by the rich, and the highly inflated prices charged by the merchants. The extract can be sited in the category of being a primary source due to it being written during the time of the event. It can also be classed as a Public source, due to it being intended to be seen by significant numbers of people. It is also a Document of Record, as it records the speech taking place at the time of the event, and embodies the event itself. The extract has various strengths and weaknesses as a source. The strength of the extract is the reliability of its
What was the extent of political participation in eighteenth-century England?
What was the extent of political participation in eighteenth-century England? In his book The Politics of the People in Eighteenth-Century Britain, H.T. Dickinson asserts that politics was, for the majority of people in the eighteenth century, experienced at a local level rather than at Westminster.1 This essay will argue that the extent of political participation in England at this time was great. As people from all social strata are affected by politics in their daily lives, they therefore have not only the opportunity but also the desire to be politically active. This could take the form of formal political participation, i.e. voting in elections, or, (for the many to whom this route was closed on account of social status or gender) informal participation. This latter can further be divided into categories. People could participate in crowd politics; demonstrating or rioting en masse to air their grievances, or, only a recent development in our period, people could be politically active through the printed word, or by joining clubs and societies. It has also been shown that women could participate much more than expected in the traditionally masculine domain of politics. Political participation in the early eighteenth century could only increase with the growth of the electorate to which this period was witness. In the counties, this increase can be explained by
Explain the origins of the Russian revolution
Explain the origins of the Russian revolution A revolution is a forcible overthrow of a government or social order. In the case of Russia the liberals wanted to overthrow the Tsar (monarchy) and replace it with a new system, which would appeal to the masses. Most people if asked when was the Russian revolution, would say in the 20th century, November 1917. But in fact it can be traced back to December 1825. So what happened then? The "Decembrists" who were led by guard officers, revolted against Russia, although their aims were confused, they "hoped to bring some form of western constitutionalism to Russia"(1) This would involve destroying the Tsarist autocracy and replacing it with a republic monarchy, the only way to achieve this would be a revolution. Their first and only attempt at doing this failed. When made to swear their allegiances to the new Tsar (Nicholas I), at the Winter Palace, the Decembrists refused to even when warned by officials that there would be consequences for not doing so. The ringleaders were hanged and many others imprisoned or exiled. Nicholas I, intended that nothing like this would happen again while he reigned, so he showed no resilience even when neighbouring European countries, were having revolutions and a rebellion broke out in Poland against Russia in 1830. Also in Russia they still believed that the Tsar was chosen by God (the divine
'Account For Varying Speeds And Patterns Of Industrialisation Across Europe'.
'Account For Varying Speeds And Patterns Of Industrialisation Across Europe' The process of industrialisation that took place in Europe in the 19th century was a process that was to have repercussions on many levels: socially, demographically, politically, economically and historically. It marked the transition from the agrarian, regionally centred, military state, to the modern concept of the economic power that now defines global power balance - Pollard describes this as moving from a mercantile attitude to one more 'laissez faire' in approach. Despite the undeniable importance of the changes industrialisation brought about, it was neither uniform nor unilateral, resulting in speeds and patterns that defined how industrialisation would effect the country in both the long and short term. The first country to embark on the process of industrialisation was Britain, between 1760 to 1830. It was this model that was later applied to other areas in Europe with relative success, but whereas the process of Industrialisation in Britain was borne of enterprise, becoming an organic and spontaneous movement, its replication across Europe was state motivated. This meant that countries were not necessarily conducive to industrialisation at the point of its introduction, leading to inconsistencies in both the speed at which industries could be adapted, and the pattern in which it
The Period of Mongol Domination over Russia 1237-1240.
The Period of Mongol Domination over Russia 1237-1240. The period of Mongol domination is one of the most important in Russia's history, perhaps even rivaling in significance the communist Soviet Union times. The Mongols conquered Rus' in the years 1237-1240, devastating the South-West, namely Kiev's region. The city itself, formerly the cradle of Russian culture and religion was sacked and burned. Northern and Eastern regions, such as Novrogod, Vladimir and other principalities, were spared that level of destruction in the first years of the Yoke, but the two and a half centuries of domination more than made up for it. Russia did not effectively throw off the Mongol rule until the year 1480 during the reign of Ivan III the Great (1462-1505). A conquest of such length and magnitude cannot leave the conquered people unaffected. However, the precise nature of the impact is a source of constant speculation and even disagreements among historians who study the period of what is known as the Tatar-Mongol Yoke. The sources of the period in question are interpreted differently by different historians. Charles J. Halperin maintains that the chroniclers of Rus' turned to the 'ideology of silence' as a response to the Mongol conquest. In his interpretation of the Russian chronicles Halperin states that Russians treated the Mongols in their writings the same way they treated
Assess the Relative Importance of the Factors which persuaded the Tsar to liberate the Serfs in 1861
Assess the Relative Importance of the Factors which persuaded the Tsar to liberate the Serfs in 1861 Alexander II was crowned Tsar of Russia in 1855, towards the end of the Crimean war. At the subsequent settlement known as the "Peace of Paris", Alexander, after less than a year as Tsar, first declared his ideas of reform for Russia and his resolve to tackle the question of serfdom. The Crimean War seemed to have acted as a catalyst in increasing Alexander's resolve to deal with the problems facing the country he had inherited, which had fallen behind much of Europe in its development. Whilst the threat of "revolution from below", external development in Eastern Europe and a general apathy from his own subjects also contributed to his policy of reform, it was the Crimean conflict which highlighted Russia's fundamental need for change; a change that it could be argued was long overdue. It was during the Russian Revolution that Trotsky pronounced "War is the locomotive of history", the credence of which is evident in earlier Russian history. Both Peter the Great and Catherine were pressured to reform by military events, and Alexander also, after a humiliating campaign in the Crimea was attempting to force changes. The failure of Russia in the campaign exposed three areas of deficiency in Russia which became the greatest causes of Alexander's concern: military, economic and
Seeking Path To Save China
Seeking Path To Save China The 1911 Revolution led to the fall of the two-hundred-year-old Qing dynasty, and ended three thousand years of feudal system in China. However, revolution did not create a new strong, centralized China because of lack of leadership and competitions among warlords. The conflict between Yuan's Beiyang Government and Sun Yat-sen's Canton government was also caused by the power competition. Foreign powers were still maintaining imperialism in China, moreover, they continued increasing their influence by supporting warlords. Japan imposed "21 demands" in 1915 that was the biggest humiliation to vulnerable Yuan Shikai government and Chinese nationality. The May Fourth movement started under this state of affairs. Many intellectuals were seeking the path to save China. Chen Duxiu, May Fourth movement main student leader and one of founders of Chinese Communist Party, represented many returning foreign study students and new thought youth. Influenced by social Darwinism and being enthusiastic about French revolution, he believed that in order to create a new modern society, people must abandon all the traditional ideas at first. Chen considered that Confucianism was the root of the China's weakness because Confucianism simply stood for reaction and acceptance, which resulted in the lack of resistance and the willingness to fight among Chinese people. He
