How 'realistic' is realism?

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How ‘realistic’ is realism?

Although the theory of political realism first proposed by Thucydides (c.460 – 406BC) began as a single theory, it has since branched off into a variety of modified theories, each attempting to explain the shifting realities within the international system. However, whilst theories such as Waltz’s ‘Neo-Realism’ and Mearsheimer’s ‘Offensive Realism’ have moved away from the classical realist approach, they still accept the three key principles of classical realism; the emphasis on power and security, the dominance of the state in the international system and the balance of power between states. The aim of this essay therefore, will be to show that these three main assumptions of realism remain relevant within the contemporary international system.

Realists assume that states base their foreign policy on ‘self-interest’ and ‘survival’, meaning that political leaders will only act if it in their interest to do so. Many IR theorists, especially those from the school of liberalism, argue that this is a very cynical way in which to look at the world. For example, the liberal scholar Robert Keohane postulates that ‘on the basis of their own assumptions, the characteristic pessimism of realism does not necessarily follow’. Conventional wisdom suggests that the US led NATO intervention in the 1991 Gulf War was based on moral opposition to Sadaam Hussein’s brutal occupation of Kuwait rather than the self-interest of the coalition states involved. If this were true, it would greatly undermine the realist claim about state motives, therefore reducing the legitimacy of realism as a realistic theory of international relations.

Yet, it could be argued that those who criticise the realist approach are merely looking through rose-tinted glasses, trying to avoid the harsh realities of international affairs. The actions of states may appear from the outside to be selfless, but realists argue that there are usually ulterior motives guiding these actions. For instance, according to realists, the underlying motivation behind the NATO intervention wasn’t to liberate Kuwait but to prevent Sadaam from controlling the rich supply of oil in the country. This was the view put forward by Thomas Friedman at the time; ‘the interest at stake may be, in short, to make the world safe for gas guzzlers’. Furthermore, if states such as the USA really based their foreign policy on humanitarian and moral grounds then surely they would have intervened in states such as Sudan and Zimbabwe a long time ago? It would seem therefore, that realism it is in fact a realistic theory, it is just that realist logic is deemed inappropriate for public relations due to its cold and calculated nature, and thus the ugly truth of international politics is not revealed for all to see.

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Another major assumption of realism is that states are the main actors in international relations. This claim has caused problems for realist theorists in recent years, as Jack Snyder admits ‘it is harder for the normally state-centric realists to explain why the world’s only superpower announced a war against al Qaeda, a non-state terrorist organization’. After the events of 9/11 the US had no choice but to declare a ‘war on terror’ because they were unable to attribute the attack to one particular state, as the perpetrators originated from different countries including Saudi Arabia and Egypt, both allies of the US. The only ...

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