Internal analysis

Massey et al. suggests that these networks can be cumulative in nature, with a . They tendency to grow and facilitate further moves, which in turn widen the network causing an expansion explaining the continuation of the initial migration process independently from the causes that led to the first prior movement. (Massey et al. 1998).

The direct predecessor of the neo-classical theory in which migration plays a pivotal role is known as the dual labour market theory. IThis t suggests that migrants involved in the same job as locals as a rule get less paid less so thusat increasing the profit for employers' profitability in the receiving countries. As the variationgaps between in wages in different countries are large and tempting, so too there are greater chances of migrants being exploited. Nevertheless, the migrants, in most cases, from among the unskilled and poorer citizens of the originating countries, are likely to ones decide to migrate because they are more paid abroad than at home. For instance, Pwithin Europe, polish factory workers are paid around $250 per month, but if they spend their holidays in Germany picking asparagus they can earn at least $ 900 a month. Similarly, unskilled Malaysian unskilled workers can get approximately $ 100 a month but cwould earn $ 600 in Singapore. The Again, forces pushing emigrants out of the sending countries could be land shortage, gender discrimination or population pressure whereas determinants attracting immigrants flow could be a shortage of people to work at any of the so-called 'three D jobss'- dirty, dangerous and difficult with jobs, highly demand for domestic servants in some Gulf countries and , or a shrinking population in Europe. (Stalker, 2008:8, p.27) .

An alternative One of the new theory that emerged in the 1980s ies is the new economics of labour migration which emerged in 1980s. Migration is seen as a family strategy aimed at maximising income and minimising risks of any failure or unemployment. Thus, the new economics of migration pays attention to income distribution in contrast to the neoclassical explanation. In this context it can be understood that the more unequal the distribution of income in a sending country, the more greater the likelihood thaty people wilould suffer from poverty and deprivation which, consequently, will leads to increased further migration. (Stark, 1991).

The ideaThe idea that developedthat developed economies need low paid foreign labourers to work for low payment in some certain areas divisions of the economy isare shared by both the dependency theory in Marxist political economy and world system theory. These theories have much in common, as both see mMigration as, in accordance with these theories which has much in common stemingstemming s from the inequalitiesy that arise when core countries intervene in peripheral ones in search of raw materials and a cheap labour force. In the past this kind of penetration was assisted by colonial regimes, ; in the present by multinational corporations, and direct foreign investment. (Massey et al., 1998)..

It is worth mentioning to the point Arango who argues that theories have aimed at explaining whyexplaining why people move, or whator what determines the volume of migration fail to constitute proximate determinants as the contribution of theories to the knowledge of migration is still so limited despite so far, more than what could be reasonably expected from such theories (Arango, 2000). . (Arango, ????) Arango states He proceeds with the view that none of these such above-stated theories ( as neo-classical theory, world system theory, dual labour market, the new economics of migration, and 'push-pull' framework), can explain the true motives of people moving sinceas the relatively short history of theorising about migration takes the form of a string of separate, generally unconnected theories . On this basis, So, according to his claim even the classic pair 'push-' and 'pull' framework should at least be balanced complemented with 'retain-' and 'repel'.

Although 'the reservoir of theories available nowadays represents a clear improvement over the former state of things', the author claims that: 'Indeed, there is no such thing as a general theory of migration' (Arango, 2000: 1, 12). . (Arango, ???? : 1, 12)

In summation, it is worth to emphasisinge that the findings about linkages between migration and poverty differ greatly, describinged the complexity of analysing the concepts of migration and poverty which is both of which are hard to define and conceptualise.

II Cause and effects of poverty and migration

Causes and effects of both poverty and migration are interconnected since either as one can lead to or and be resulted from the one another. , Thusmaking , it is extremely difficult to separate cause and effect when analysing links between poverty and migration. This is affected by due to the impact that migration might have on improving or worsening life conditions for migrants and non-migrants at various destinations over time.

With regard to the 'tight' connection between poverty and migration, particularly, Tofor better understanding the nature and linkages between poverty and migration, of these concepts Skeldon considers them from different angles:

* as follows: poverty as a root of migration:, a 'flight from poverty' for survival.

* migration as a result of poverty: and migration from a community creates conditions in which those remaining start to consider themselves relatively poor, resulting in further migration driven by the idea of betterment against new standards rather than moving out of absolute poverty.

* migration as a cause of poverty.: this occurs when there is He furthers explaining that poverty as a root of migration can be understood as a 'flight from poverty' for survival cause whereas migration as a result of poverty being quite similar to the first notion means significantly different thing. Specifically, it implies that migration creates the conditions when people start to consider themselves poor (relatively poor comparing to what they take into consideration) which in turn result in migration movements driven by the idea to 'better themselves against new standards' rather than moving out of absolute poverty. The latter is assessed to be because of the 'forced relocation without adequate planning and support' through the creation of new infrastructures such as construction of dams, roads etc. as well as the result of displacement by development projects or natural disaster, loss of land through debt, or sometimes, personal failure. These factors are particularly , which is common in countries like China and India . (Skeldon, 2002). Thus erefore, migration for some vulnerable people in the developing world migration can becocan becoame an increasingly common strategy for survival.

According to de De Haan and others poverty may induce people to migrate in order to improve their livelihoods but may in turn result in them becoming further impoverished (De Haan et al., 2002). . (de Haan, 2002) However, for some of the world's poorest countries migration was and still is a form of livelihood strategy to escape poverty, so to speak, a 'last resort'. Thus, in risky environments such as rural dry lands in developing countries, entire communities may follow circular migration routes sending out labour seasonally to provide remittances during slack seasons in order to iensure themselves against from shocks and famine. This may involve the promotion of population mobility among certain demographic and ethnic groups to the and exclusion of others (Waddington et al., 2003). . (WP-T3) Therefore, the relationship between poverty and migration is more likely to depend on how poverty and social exclusion are measured sinceas social discrimination is likely to play a decisive role in determining migration choices.

According to Skeldon as the majority of the very poorest countries in the world are to be found in Sub-Ssaharan Africa, it is then more likely that the relationship between migration and poverty there might be different from the relationship in those more dynamic economies of Eeastern Asia. In this regard, poverty can be seen as a root cause of migration or 'population movement' in Sub-Ssaharan Africa whereas in rather than in Eeastern Asia where migration is more of a introduced as a livelihood improving strategy. Furthermore, the extremely or chronically poor may lack access to migration as a livelihood choice due to the overwhelming costs of moving and the risks . Thus So he claims that during in event of the Great Famine in Ireland 1845-50, it was rarely the poorest who emigrated to North America. (Skeldon 2002).

Findings from India as well as Ssub-Saharan Africa indicates the same picture - that the poorest often cannot afford the material costs of migrating despite although the poor havinge higher migration propensities. (De Haan et al., 2002). (de Haan 2002). However, the impact of poverty on migration is context dependent, and some findings show significant differences both within different countries and between different regions. For instance, iIn Ghana it is the poor and the very poor, rather than the non-poor, who are more likely to migrate internationally. Yet than the non-poor, and in Egypt the poor are more likely to migrate than other groups, apparently contradicting much of the commonly held belief that poor people are less likely to migrate due to the relatively high constraints that face them (Sabates-Wheeler et al., 2005).. (WP-T14)

Evidence on the effects of migration is controversial, although however,in relation with respect to international migration and receiving countries, the consensus seems to be that immigration has improved economic welfare, including raising tax revenue and remittances circulation (Skeldon, 1997).(Skeldon ,1997a)

III Costs and economic benefits of migration for sending and receiving countries

Most findings seem to contradict the popular belief that migration contributes to unemployment attracting immigrants who accept to do the jobs for low payment leading to which in turn may result in substantial wage decreases for local workers in host societies, which in turn can sometimes causeing inflation. To this point Castles and otherset al., answer this charge by concludinges that:

'Immigrants create jobs as well as fill them; they pay taxes as well as make demands of government; and they bring funds from overseas and contribute to higher exports as well as to imports. But beyond their mere presence, the research evidence shows that the demand and supply-side effects in fact balance each other so closely that no more than marginal impacts can be detected for any of the key economic indicators... ' (Castles et.al., 2009:232).

Immigrants create jobs as well as fill them; they pay taxes as well as make demands of government; and they bring funds from overseas and contribute to higher exports as well as to imports. But beyond their mere presence, the research evidence shows that the demand and supply-side effects in fact balance each other so closely that no more than marginal impacts can be detected for any of the key economic indicators... (Castles et.al., 2009:232).

In this regard, the US National Academy of Sciences data showed that although immigrants in the beginning added to costs, especially in the educational field, but later descendants' taxes madeke a positive contribution to the national budget . (Smith, 1997).

(38-p. 97)

In the United Kingdom, an analysis for 2001-2002 showed that immigrant's contributions to National Insurance and taxes exceeded their consumption of public services. For instance, the average foreigner contributed 331 pounds to the Government's funds whereas UK-born person the same year consumed 222 pounds (Sriskandarajah et al., 2005).. (40-p.99) (You need to be careful here as you are comparing immigrant cost with national consumption. Your argument would be stronger if you can compare like with like: ie cost with cost or consumption with consumption.)

Another finding carried out by tThe Paris-based Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) revealed that the arrival of more immigrants has nearly little or no effect on unemployment for the receiving countries in general during a recession if to comparison is made betweene two equivalent periods of time (SOPEMI, 1997).. when one had faced such an economic problem. (20-p.98) So, even in an economic slow-down the advantages of an influx ofinflux of immigrant's influx remain positive since as immigrants can still be consumers, creating jobs for others, especially those involved in professional and , business spheres. However, migration alone cannot solve the unemployment problem since as the balance between jobs and workers needed is something which depends on the economical efficiency of providing with suitable opportunities for employment.

Another myth associated with migration is based on the beliefve byof some Europeans that their countries do not have room for foreign workers - a difficult concept to accept, which is hardly to believein view of taking into consideration low 'replacement rates' and shrinking populations. It means that in the future, without wise migration policiesy some countries are more likely to face a shortage of citizens of working age population supporting those at not n-working. For sending countries emigration can also be useful in terms of reducing thereducing the unemployment rate and relieving the day-to-day pressures of increasing populations, pressure, but what is more importantly, ensuring an inward the flow of remittances.

Remittances do not only contribute to an increase in the individual household income increase, but also havs a positivegood effect ton the growth of the local economy as well. The use of remittances to satisfy basic needs in medicine, food and housing can result in additional spending on extras such as on weddings, education, buying lands, medicine, food etc. Thus may stimulation of e demand , which results in the creationg of local markets and jobs. Thus, remittances are not a random by-product of individual migration, but an integral part of the family's strategy behind migration, so to speak, actually a livelihooda livelihood for poor people in developing countries. (Skeldon, 2002). However, emigration despite its along with a benefits can have side-effects known as 'brain drain' when the sending country fear is on the part of sending country is that 'skills are lost' due to because emigration of highly-skilled professionals, which can have implications in the future terms. (Bhagwati, 1996 330 volume 79). However, Again, according to Skeldon contends that the the so-called "brain drain" argument is difficult to sustain in, for example, at the example of East Asia where tens of thousands of students from Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong left their countries tofor study overseas duringfrom the 1960s - at precisely the time when these economies began to grow rapidly (Skeldon, 1997a: 108-115). That is makes why it is difficult to claim that these economies could have grown even faster had than thesey did if the students had stayed at home. Besides, with the development of these countries they now have another trend called 'brain gain' whitch has positive outcomes for both parties.

Although it is commonly accepted that migration is from poor to rich countries, the results analyses for OECD countries in 2004 showed that the country with in terms of the highest numbers of graduates working overseas was the UK (, with 1.5 million) followed by India (with 1 million) with much of these graduates working inwhich is to the US, Canada or EU (Docquier et al., 2004). . (4-p. 121) TSo the largest proportion of professionals migrating oveis seen can be viewed within the European countries.

IV Impact of migration on poverty alleviation strategies and the policy-making process

It has been already mentioned that migration has different impacts in different contexts. Migration is not able to eradicate all types of poverty, although but at the very time it can assist in reducing deprivation as a whole. IAlthough it is understood that there is no such a thing to meet everyone's expectations as a universal policy recommendation with regard to the poverty and migration issues to meet everyone's expectations. Yet still policy makers still need to face and tackle these problems which as it affects both sending and receiving countries throughout thein globalizing world.

It is clear that foreign direct investments by means of creating new employment within developing countries can reduce the need for migration, but investors prefer to investflow money to inthe boosting economies which already have an infrastructure. Even rising wages at home can decrease the outflow. H, however, an unstable economic environment throughout the world creates a , crisis that triggers both migration and poverty problems.

In designing policies to make migration work better for poverty alleviation, governments need to facilitate the types of movements that may lead to poverty reduction while protecting migrants from abuse and exploitation by means of preventing illegal migration, making proper asylum decisions, tackling trafficking and smuggling which latter affects mostly affects women and children, and making proper asylum decisions.

In this respect, it is worth mentioning the words ofquoting John Kenneth Galbraith who suggests that:

Migration is the oldest action against poverty. It selects those who most want help. It is good for the country to which they go; it helps to break the equilibrium of poverty in the country from which they come. What is the perversity in the human soul that causes people to resist so obvious a good? (cited in Harris 2002: 119)

cited in Harris 2002: 119) (Skeldon 2002)

Conclusion

Nowadays the main issue for policy-makers is how to make migration work for all involved sides of these processes by promoting development and reducing the poverty. It has already been discussed critically about the effects and outcomes of migration in poverty alleviation strategies of which the economical benefits outweigh the general misconception and fears in people's minds. The world's dominant economies and the most visited tourist and migrant destinations such as the US, Canada, Australia, Singapore, Germany, Switzerland etc. can be a good example of the discussed theme.

References

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2. Bhagwati, J. (1996) 'U.S. Immigration Policy' in H.O. Duleep, and P.V. Wunnava (eds) Immigrants and immigration policy: individual skills, family ties, and group identities London: JAI PRESS

3. Castles, S. and Miller, M.J. (2009) The age of migration: international population movements in the modern world Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan

4. Chiswick, B.R. (2000) 'Are immigrants favourably self-selected? An economic analysis' in C.B. Brettell and J.F. Hollifield (eds) Migration Theory: Talking Across Disciplines London: Routledge

5. De Haan, A. (2002), 'Migrants, livelihoods, and rights: the relevance of migration in development policies', London, Department for International Development, Social Development Department, Working Paper No. 4.

6. Docquier, F. and Marfouk A. (2004) 'Measuring the International Mobility of Skilled Workers (1990-2000)', Policy Research Working Paper 3381, Development Research Group, World Bank, Washington, DC.

7. Gordon, D. (2005) 'Indicators of Poverty & Hunger' Expert Group Meeting on Youth Development Indicators United Nations Headquarters, New York 12th - 14th December 2005

8. Harris, N. (2002) Thinking the Unthinkable: the Immigration Myth Exposed London: I.B.Tauris

9. Massey, D.S., Arango, J., Hugo, G., Kouaouci, A., Pellegrino, A. and Taylor, J.E. (1998) Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of Millennium Oxford: Clarendon Press

0. Portes, A. and Rumbout R.G. (2006) Immigrant America: a Portrait Berkeley, CA: University of California Press

1. Report of Session (2003-04) 'Migration and Development: How to make migration work for poverty reduction' House of Commons International Development Committee, Volume I, 29 June 2004

2. Sabates-Wheeler, R., Sabates, R. and Castaldo, A. 'Tackling Poverty-Migration Linkages: Evidence from Ghana and Egypt' Issued by the Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty, University of Sussex, Working Paper, October 2005

3. Skeldon, R. (1997) Migration and Development: A Global Perspective Harlow: Longman

4. Skeldon, R. (2002) 'Migration and Poverty' Asia-Pacific Population Journal Vol.17, No.4, pp. 67-82

5. Skeldon, R. (2003) 'Migration and Poverty' Paper presented at the conference on African Migration and Urbanization in Comparative Perspective, Johannesburg, South Africa, June 4 - 7, 2003.

6. Smith, J. and Edmonston B. (1997) The New Americans: Economic Demographic and Fiscal Effects of Immigration National Academy Press

7. SOPEMI (1997) 'Trends in International Migration', Paris, OECD

8. Sriskandarajah, D. Cooley, L. and Reed, H. (2005) Paying Their Way: The Fiscal Contribution of Immigrants in the UK London: IPPR

9. Stalker, P. (2008) No-Nonsense Guide to International Migration Oxford: New Internationalist Publications

20. Stark, O. (1991) The Migration of Labor, Oxford: Blackwell.

21. Waddington, H. and Sabates-Wheeler, R. 'How Does Poverty Affect Migration Choice?' Issued by the Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Working Paper, December 2003

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