These are arguments of Cultural Separatism. Advocators of this ideal believe and appreciate the difference in cultures and feel that cultures will only mature and develope separately from each other. Although this does differentiate from racism of the nineteenth century in terms of colonialism it still has similar assumptions of ‘Old’ racism. Le pen’s fear that the increase of immigrants will lead to the “pollution” of the white French race was a fear of Gobineau in his “Essay on the inequality of races” which was published in 1853. He feared that racial “intermingling would pollute the healthy stock of the white race and lead to social chaos.” (Evans; 1996)
However new racism dispels scientific racism of the nineteenth century which argued that racism was biological and mainly down to colour. Anthias argues that racism in Europe is now down to the increase in the community itself. He blames the treaties and emphasis on boundaries “in constructing who belongs and who doesn’t belong to its ever changing symbolic configuration.” (Anthias; 2002) He believes that the increase of the community increases the “non-acceptance and undesirability for ‘Others’; the foreigners, the migrants, the enemies, within and from outside” (Anthias; 2002)
Whereas the old form of racism had a definite emphasis on colonisation, particularly with the writings of Von Trietscke who believed that “Germany had a duty to expand eastwards and establish a vast German reserve” (Evans; 1996), the new form of racism focuses on the protection of borders from immigrants with the explicit claim of producing a homogenised society (Evans; 1996). This is partly due to the decolonisation of Europe and there has been as significant increase of immigrants from ex-colonies.
Although no far-right parties have gained overall power a country in the European union, they have gained a lot of support. Some have argued that this is simply a protest vote from centre right voters who have become disillusioned with the mainstream parties. The far right have gained unprecedented amounts of votes recently as the table below shows:
This is clear evidence that the far right has been able to influence voters across Europe and bring issues such as immigration into the mainstream political agenda. Harris believes that success at the ballot box is dependent on a number of factors, such as the absence of an attractive alternative for the right wing and external circumstances of economic or political crises (Harris; 1994). The voters have not only been those of the centre right but also from the left, evidence of this came when Le Pen beat socialist Prime Minister Lional Jospin in the first round of the presidential elections of 2002. Anthias sights the demise of socialism, the failure of identity politics, the right wing backlash to policy and government initiatives and the fragmentation of social forces (Anthias; 1992) for the increase of votes to the far right. The far right instigated immigration debate with the help of increased media coverage, particularly in the newspapers, which has reported the increase of asylum seekers less then favourably (Evans). Far-right parties tend to be ‘single- issue’ and use the increase in immigration as a springboard for other issues such as the economy, law and order and welfare.
The new form of racism is suggested to have formed in Britain in the period of the new right in the 1980’s; this is because of the particular emphasis new right ideology had on national identity. It was not until 1989 that the new right movement began to gather speed. This was due to the increase of immigrants, such as the Roma’s, and the immanent end of the cold war. This is Evens second reason for the form of the new racism in Europe (Evens). Evens argues that the fall of the iron curtain created fear amongst the European countries that there would be an increase of immigrants from the east and former Soviet Union countries.
This has further fuelled the far-rights argument for nationalism, which is only open to white Europeans and rates non-nationals, which amount for more than 14 million (Anthias; 2002), as second-class citizens. Stallybrass and White argue that identity is produced through the rejection of a group because of superiority, such as Le Pen saying that Muslims are dirty and unable to fit into the French sophisticated culture. The table below represents the number of non-nationals across the world in 1995 with a particular highlight on Europe.
This is clear evidence of an increase of immigrants in Europe compared to the other world regions. These large numbers have allowed the far right to create anti-immigrant propaganda particularly to those of lower classes, who believe that immigrants are ‘stealing’ jobs and benefits.
Silverman outlines the pattern of migration to France has seen a significant increase in ex-colonial migrants, especially from north and sub Saharan Africa (Silverman; 1991). Le Pen has argued that this cheap immigrant labour was damaging because in the short term it allowed French business to ignore the need to modernise industry. Similar anxieties exist in the far right of German with the Turks and the Slavs, who they see as an inferior race to there own (Harris; 1994). In April 1992 the Republican Party to nearly 10.9 percent of the regional vote in Baden- Wittenberg due to a massive increase in immigrants. There are similar fears in Britain where the British National Party has gained council notoriety in Bradford due to unrest against immigrants. This is further evidence that there has become a new form of racism in Europe, one that concentrates on nationalism and protection of borders.
The growth of the European union is partly to blame for the increase in the racism according to Anthias. He believes that the treaties passed by the Union have created a ‘Fortress Europe’, which has created a community not susceptible to outsiders (Anthias; 2002). Since 1989 there have been a number of anti-Roma campaigns across Europe. The Roma’s are gypsies who travel across Europe and are subjected to violence due to them not being associated with any community. In Germany in 1992 Neo-Nazis implemented a campaign of anti-Roma racism. They labelled the Roma as the ‘dirty plague’ that was contaminating German society (Evens; 1996). The rejection of the Roma is institutional amongst future members of the European Union in countries such as Bulgaria and Romania (Moreas; 2003).
European Union member states have recognised the persecution of the Roma with 7,000 being granted refugee status between 1990 and 1999. However it still remains a “major problem” amongst the future states of the European Union.
As well as the Roma racism within Europe there still remains anti-Semitism, particularly in within the eastern bloc. Although the new anti-Semitism has a lot in common with that of the past (the anti-Semitism of Nazi Germany) it now consists because of new historical events. Since 1989 anti-Semitism has spawned due to the snail like pace of the economies of the former communist countries. Due to the economies of these countries not flourishing the Jews have been blamed (Evens; 1996). This is further evidence of a new form of racism as it has spawned on new historical events and proves that racism, as a phenomenon is not static.
In conclusion there is clear evidence that there is new form of racism across Europe that has a clear focus on nationality and the protection of national borders. It is also clear that this new form of racism could have been produced in conjunction with the European Union. As I have explained racism is not a static phenomenon and has move historically which makes it harder to control as current events create racial fear and hatred, such as that of Islamaphobia through terrorism. The major factor for this new racism has been the increase in immigrants into Europe. However the new form of racism that the Europe is experiencing can be closely linked to the traditional racism.
Bibliography
Anthias, F. and Lloyd, C. (eds) (2002) Rethinking Anti-Racisms. London: Routhledge
Anthias, F. and Yuval-Davis, N. (1992) Racialized Boundaries, London, Routledge.
Barker, M. (1981) The New Racism, London: Junction Books.
Evens, M in Jenkins, B. & Sofos, S. (ed.) (1996) Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe, New York: Routledge.
Hall, S. & Jacques, M. (eds) (1983) The Politics of Thatcherism, London: Lawrence & Wishart.
Harris, G. (1994) The Dark Side of Europe, the extreme right today, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press
Home Office (2003) Control on Immigration: Statistics 2002, London: British Home Office.
Silverman, M. (1991) Deconstructing the Nation: Immigration, Racism and Citizenship in Modern France, London: Routledge
Smith, A (1991) National Identity, Harmoundsworth, Penguin
http://www.adl.org/backgrounders/joerg_haider.asp
http://www.claudemoraes.net/files/38-40-racism.pdf
