To what extent did the Roman annexation of (and influence over) Greece affect Domestic arrangement and approaches towards the stranger?
To what extent did the Roman annexation of (and influence over) Greece affect Domestic arrangement and approaches towards the stranger? Content: Page 1: Title Page Page 2: Contents Page Page 3: Introduction Page 4: Main Body Page 15: Conclusion Page 16: Bibliography - Ancient Authors Page 17: Bibliography - Modern Authors Page 20: List of Illustrations Introduction: Excavations focused upon Greek housing has mainly been dedicated towards the oikos of the Prehistorical, Classical and Hellenistic eras and the subsequent interpretation of spatial segregation and architecture within. However, many Scholars readily admit that there has been far too little analysis of Greek housing during the period of Roman rule from the late Republican era of the middle to late second century BC and onwards into Imperial rule; the impression that is given is that it had turned into a 'cultured backwater' (McKay 1975: 211). The aim in this project is to see how much Roman rule influenced the development of Greek housing in the Aegean. I shall do this by analysing the Roman domus and domestic setting before comparing it with its Greek counterpart and then attempt to make light of the changes the oikos underwent. Main Body: Much of the evidence we have for Roman housing comes from the ancient literary sources. Pliny's (the younger) letters contain a wealth of information about housing in
Provide a discussion on the problems associated with defining consciousness. Introduction Defining consciousness is important because it affects a wide range of subjects from ethics to quantum physics
Provide a discussion on the problems associated with defining consciousness. Introduction Defining consciousness is important because it affects a wide range of subjects from ethics to quantum physics. 'Numerous theories of consciousness have been proposed over the millennia but none of these seem to explain the phenomenon' Green (2003). Psychologist have debated for decades about the definition of consciousness. The sensory mental events and feelings which comprise of consciousness and the raw phenomenology of the stream of consciousness which makes it so difficult to define. Indeed some, for instance Nagel (1974), would consider that it cannot be defined because our brains are not capable of understanding what it is. Others such as Flanagan (1992), feel that a definition has to be attempted in order to show what it is that is in need of explanation. Lycan (1996) speaks of the 'multiplicity of meanings' of the word consciousness which is used 'as if it had one clear meaning and we all know what it meant' (p.2) Freud (1974) referred to consciousness as a spotlight in an infinite space of darkness to illustrate the relative role of the unconscious. On the other hand Rubin and McNeil (1983) define consciousness as 'our subjective awareness of our actions and of the world around us'. Ruch (1984) cited in Armstrong (1981) gives it a much more cognitive emphasis by
Francis Schaeffer and L'Abri:The Story of a Prophet and His Legacy to Evangelicals
Francis Schaeffer and L'Abri: The Story of a Prophet and His Legacy to Evangelicals by Daniel Routh INTR 521: Historical Foundations Dr. Paul Pierson July 29, 2005 I. A FIRST GLIMPSE OF SCHAEFFER AND L'ABRI In the autumn of 1958, Marte Herrell was a student at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland. Marte was a non-believer, but one day she was persuaded to visit a Bible study at a small café near the university. The Bible teacher was one Dr. Francis Schaeffer, a small man, "with a bulging forehead, furrowed brow, and goatee beard," as J.I. Packer later described him. Marte listened with mixed emotions as Dr. Schaeffer taught from the book of Romans. "I was fascinated and exasperated that such an intelligent man as Schaeffer could believe that the Bible was true," she said later. But the café Bible study was only the entranceway to Marte's pilgrim progress. For Dr. Schaeffer's daughter Susan also went to Marte's university. One day she invited Marte to come visit their family chalet tucked away in the Alps. The chalet Les Melezes (also christened "L'Abri," meaning "shelter") was a large old chalet in the tiny mountaintop village of Huemoz. Marte spent the weekend watching the Schaeffer family love and pray and minister, and peppered Dr. Schaeffer with intellectual questions, attempting to disprove their Christianity. But he visited
Peloponnesian Politics: What can the events between the First Macedonian War and the Achaean War tell us about inconsistencies in Roman foreign policy in the Peloponnese and Peloponnesian reactions to it.
Peloponnesian Politics: What can the events between the First Macedonian War and the Achaean War tell us about inconsistencies in Roman foreign policy in the Peloponnese and Peloponnesian reactions to it. Introduction: The Roman world ventured into the Greek world in 229 BC during the First Illyrian War to stop Illyrian pirates sabotaging trading routes across the Adriatic, which led the Republic to establish a protectorate over Greek cities in southern Illyria and Epirus. Roughly eighty years and four Macedonian wars later, the Romans had established hegemony within Greece proper. From such humble beginnings, with a desire to protect Greek autonomy, the situation had turned itself on its head when L. Mummius Achaecus sacked the city of Corinth, defeating the Achaean League in the eponymous war of 146 BC. Over the course of those eighty or so years, the Roman Senate and its legates in the field embarked upon many diplomatic embassies within the Peloponnese, arbitrating between many disputes that arose from there, involving powers like Sparta as well as the Achaean League. I should like to explore Rome's aims behind its diplomatic interventions in the Peloponnese between the Achaean League and the rest of the Peloponnese, the aims of the Achaean League and the other Peloponnesian polities' response to Roman and analyse discrepancies in Polybius' account of the events. Rome's
RS CourseworkMARK OF THE BEAST The Beast
RS Coursework MARK OF THE BEAST The Beast The description of a beast is given in the New Testament book of Revelation chapter 13:14-18. "And deceiveth them that dwell on the earth by the means of those miracles which he had power to do in the sight of the beast; saying to them that dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the beast, which had the wound by a sword, and did live. And he had power to give life unto the image of the beast, that the image of the beast should both speak, and cause that as many as would not worship the image of the beast should be killed. And he causeth all, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hand, or in their foreheads: And that no man might buy or sell, save he that had the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name. Here is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the number of the beast: for it is the number of a man; and his number is Six hundred threescore and six." Identifying the Beast Now that we have read the quote we need to identify the beast, but before we talk about the Beast we need to understand the back-ground and history preceding the Beast. The best place to begin is in the book of Daniel, which deals greatly with prophecy, from the 6th century B.C. down to the end of time. The interpretation of the symbols used in Bible prophecy has not been
England Under Henry VIII
England Under Henry VIII Henry VIII Tudor (1491-1547) was the second son of Henry VII. His brother Arthur, being only 15, married to Catherine, the daugter of the Spanish monarch. But in a very few month he sickened and died. Henty VII arranged that the young widow should marry his second son Henry, then 12 years of age, when he too should be 15. A few years after settling this marriage, in 1509, the King died of the gout. King Henry the Eighth was just eighteen years of age when he came to the throne. People said he was a hand some boy, but in later life he did not seem handsome at all. He was a big, burly, noisy, small-eyed, large-faced, double-chinned fellow, as we know from the portraits of him, painted by the famous Hans Holbein*. The king was anxious to make himself popular, and the people, who had long dis- liked the late king, believed to believe that he deserved to be so. He was extremely fond of show and display, and so were they. There-fore there was great rejoicing when he married the Princess Catherine, and when they were both crowned. And the King fought at tournaments and always came off victorious - for the courtiers took care of that - and there was a general outcry that he was a wonderful man. The prime favourites of the late King, who were engaged in money-raising matters, Empson, Dudley, and their supporters, were accused of a variety of crimes they
Parsons as Material Beings
Persons as Material Beings: One but not the sa me? Abstract My aim in this paper is to consider the prospect of combining a psychological approach to personal identity with the claim that they are material beings. I claim that my future existence necessarily involves a unique relation of psychological continuity caused in an appropriate way highly compelling. If a future person remembers experiences had by me or acts on intentions formed by me and is the only person who does so, then that person is me. I also find it compelling to hold and that persons like you and me are material beings existing in objective space and time along with bricks, books and parrots. After a brief presentation of the psychological approach and the most compelling arguments in its favour I address the problem of combining that approach with materialism. Especially I consider the claim that the combination problem should lead us to accept a biological approach to personal identity and the constitution view recently argued for by Lynne Rudder Baker who claims that persons are constituted by material beings, but have psychological persistence conditions. I conclude that the hardship of finding a way to accommodate a psychological approach to personal identity provides strong support for accepting views about the metaphysics of person such as fourdimensionalism or Parfitian reductionism. .
The stories of Jorge-Luis Borges
The stories of Jorge-Luis Borges are usually met with awe, perplexity, and the sensation of having discovered a densely woven secret. The awe, naturally, is derived from the inexhaustible resources of philological findings he unearths before our eyes, an eclectic compendium ranging from rare mystical texts, philosophical dialogues, and medieval excavations, to his own idiosyncratic literary proclivities: G.K. Chesterton, H.G. Wells, Stevenson, William Blake, Carlyle, Thomas de Quincey, Coleridge, Walt Whitman. The perplexity results from the density of his puzzle-shaped pieces, always delivered in his flippant, laconic style. These reactions are probably just the palpitations of a young heart and the vulnerability of a mind still not entirely immune from excitation. What is fantastical and utterly unique in Borges is the third reaction: that of having discovered the loose ends of an ell-encompassing secret. But again, these reactions may be entirely subjective. Specifically with relation to time, memory, and concurrently, limitation of time, and oblivion, Borges lays out a philosophy of eternity that does not forget its mystical roots. Authors of traditional mystical texts inevitably disclaim their ability to fully explain their experience in words. Borges, on the other hand, approaches these timeless metaphysical perplexities, these "cosmic seizures", with a highly
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3th June -HelterSkelter -Arrowhead -Mitch -GreenTeaLatte -Jayla -Levante -`Dane -Evan_Varvell (need checking) demonic_fury Amorphis TrinityStar TigerWilly
Zionism has never seriously posed this question: Why, during these two thousand years, have not the Jews really tried to return to this country?
Zionism has never seriously posed this question: Why, during these two thousand years, have not the Jews really tried to return to this country? Why was it necessary to wait until the end of the Nineteenth Century for a Herzl to succeed in convincing them of this necessity? Why were all the predecessors of Herzl, like the famous Sabbatai Zebi, treated as false Messiahs. Why were the adherents of Sabbatai Zebi fiercely persecuted by orthodox Judaism? Naturally, in replying to these interesting questions, refuge is sought behind religion. "As long as the masses believed that they had to remain in the Diaspora until the advent of the Messiah, they had to suffer in silence," states Zitlovski,i whose Zionism is moreover quite conditional. Nevertheless, this explanation tells us nothing. What is required is precisely an answer to the question of why the Jewish masses believed that they had to await the Messiah in order to be able to "return to their country." Religion being an ideological reflection of social interests, it must perforce correspond to them. Today religion does not at all constitute an obstacle to Zionism.ii In reality just so long as Judaism was incorporated in the feudal system, the "dream of Zion" was nothing but a dream and did not correspond to any real interest of Judaism. The Jewish tavern owner or "farmer" of Sixteenth-Century Poland thought as little of
