Individual Development and Change
Select a developmental or psychological theory/perspective that helps your understanding of people and their circumstances and informs your understanding of social work practice in a multi-cultural society. Summarise the main features of the theory and outline its strengths and weaknesses. Discuss with examples the ways the theory has applications for social work practice. For this assignment I am going to write about Attachment Theory, touching upon age, gender, ethnicity, different factors, culture, religion and multi - cultural society. Theories relating to Erikson, Piaget, Rogers and Ainsworth and developmental and or psychological theory. Adult attachment theory helps Social Workers understand how people feel and act within close relationships, particularly in stressful situations. Attachment is different in adulthood and in childhood because they are bi - directional, meaning that either party will give and receive support. "Attachment theory has its origins in Great Britain, in the period during and shortly after the Second World War. It was developed by John Bowbly. At the heart of attachment theory is the assumption that attachment is a basic human need and that from very early on babies actively participate in the formation of attachment relationships. Attachment relationships can be secure or insecure and a laboratory paradigm, called the Strange Situation,
Compare and contrast the pluralist and elitist accounts of political power.
Compare and contrast the pluralist and elitist accounts of political power. Introduction Whilst there are not infinite interpretations of political systems, there are differing accounts of systems theory. Each separate account of a theory can have varying threads such as classical, reformed, neo or radical interpretations. Within these definitions there may be variance over the role of the government or the prominence of power, yet there is confluence on one basic concept. In this essay I shall try to attempt to explain the theories, major ideas and pre-eminent writers in both pluralist and elitist political power. Following on from this I shall attempt to find any similarities and any differences in both pluralism and elitism. In my conclusion I shall attempt to draw on which theory is most relevant in the contemporary political world. Exposition of Pluralism H.S. Kariel is cited in Schwarzmantel's work referring to pluralism as: 'specific institutional arrangements for distributing and sharing governmental power.'1 Therefore pluralism is the dispersion of power to prevent tyranny. If power is concentrated to one group, there will be autocratic rule. By diffusing power, a state will be open to the demands of the population and this is essential to the supposition. This does assume social pluralism; that is a wide variety of interest groups. Social variety, such as
'A gets B to do something that he or she would not otherwise do. Does this sum up the essence of political power?
'A GETS B TO DO SOMETHING THAT HE OR SHE WOULD NOT OTHERWISE DO'. DOES THIS SUM UP THE ESSENCE OF POLITICAL POWER? Questions of power are arguably the most important in the field of politics, and as such the concept of power is one of the most frequently discussed topics amongst political scientists. Power is such a wide concept that this essay will not be able to discuss motivation; that is, why an individual may want to exert power over another individual, although this is a crucial question when discussing this topic. Instead, this essay will focus on the 'faces of power' debate; the three widely recognised faces, decision-making, agenda-setting and preference-shaping as well as Foucault's research into a fourth face of power. As well as outlining the arguments put forward by political scholars, this essay will critically analyse each theory and ultimately sum up the essence of political power. In "The Concept of Power" (1957) Robert Dahl looks at the relationship between preferences and decisions before concluding that power is a one dimensional concept regarding the power of A to affect the decisions of B. Dahl's view of power is that it is quantifiable by counting the number of decisions that are made and determine that whoever has the most decisions in their favour is the most powerful. While analysing Dahl's one dimensional view of power, Hay stated that "the
Do you agree with Scruton (1990) that the main aim of Conservatism is preservation of a pre existing social order?
Do you agree with Scruton (1990) that the main aim of Conservatism is 'preservation of a pre existing social order?' Student Number - 110118471 The issue of analysing the aims of any political ideology is difficult mainly due to the often fractured and conflicting natures of ideologies. There are significant issues arising particularly from the analysis of Conservatism, largely due to its positional stance as an approach which focuses on what is rather than normative claims. Such problems necessarily lead to caution when debating Conservatism, as Eccleshall asserts "the ideology poses serious conceptual difficulties" (2003, p.48). However, when analysing Conservatism, it is evident that Scruton's definition is on the right lines, however I shall argue that such a definition of the main aim of Conservatism is too broad, and that more focus should be on the preservation of appropriate pre existing social orders and the preservation of stability. Moreover, when put into practice, there are numerous examples of reformist branches within Conservatism which in fact go beyond Scruton's claim and seek to reinstate social orders of the past. One of the key premises in the assertion that Conservatism's main aim is the preservation of a pre existing social order is the concept that society is going through a process of degeneration. The idea of regression is as Goodwin (1992) asserts,
Why are black people and minority ethnic groups more likely to experience poverty than the white population?
Why are black people and minority ethnic groups more likely to experience poverty than the white population? Introduction Poverty can take many forms they could be low levels of incomes or not being able to secure resources to have a sustained livelihood, hunger and malnutrition, ill health, low levels of access to education and the simple necessities like sanitation, high rates of morbidity and also mortality caused by illness, being homeless or inadequate housing, being in unsafe environments and finally social exclusion or discrimination. Poverty is a problem internationally and nationally. But what we see is that black people and other ethnic minorities are more likely to experience poverty. So for the purpose of this essay I will discuss the reasons behind this, the way in which I will approach this will be by firstly discussing Migration, settlement and social security. Then I will discuss the lack of employment as a cause of poverty, then low levels of education leads to poverty, poor housing and urban spaces living in poverty, racism and discrimination. Then finally I will draw all my findings together so that I can reach a detailed and comprehensive conclusion. So to begin according to Millar (2009:80-81) The UK saw high levels of inward migration who came from the commonwealth now former commonwealth countries to offer their services i.e. labour. First to come
Has Neofunctionalism Been Superseded By A New 'Liberal Intergovernmentalism" As Currently The Most Convincing Theoretical Explanation of European Political Integration?
Has Neofunctionalism Been Superseded By A New 'Liberal Intergovernmentalism" As Currently The Most Convincing Theoretical Explanation of European Political Integration? From an ambitious project originally envisaged to remove the catastrophe of war from such a war-torn continent, the European project has proceeded in 'fits and starts'. Since its inception, there has been much debate regarding what forces drive the integration process forward. Why now, when interstate war in Europe seems impossible, do member states continue to 'pool' their sovereignty in so many areas? Two theories have dominated previous attempts to answer the question of "how and why states cease to be wholly sovereign, how and why they voluntarily mingle, merge and mix with their neighbours, so as to lose the factual attributes of sovereignty."1 Neofunctionalism, the idea that the integration process, once started, develops its own momentum for further integration, saw the height of popularity in the 1960s, following the initial success of the ECSC/EEC and the hugely influential theoretical explanation by Ernst Haas. The second theory, Liberal Intergovernmentalism, surfaced in the 1990s and was championed by Andrew Moravcsik. It saw flaws in neofunctionalist thinking and instead offered an alternative account in which the integrative process was always, and remains, in the hands of national governments;
'A gets B to do something that he or she would not otherwise do'. Does this sum up the essence of political power?
'A gets B to do something that he or she would not otherwise do'. Does this sum up the essence of political power? Political power has been described as an "essentially contested concept1" and for good reason. Of all of the concepts in political science, power is probably that which is debated most often. This is perhaps unsurprising due to its importance within the discipline. Heywood suggests that "without doubt, students of politics are students of power2". The quote in the question refers to Robert Dahl's "intuitive idea of power3" outlined in his early article 'The Concept of Power4'. It is also the most commonly used 'definition' of power; however, to what extent does it describe the nature and essence of political power? As the extensive debate suggests, there are many problems when defining power. As the 'Oxford Dictionary of Politics explains, issues of "Intentionality", "Comparability and Quantifiability" and "Time and Causation5'" make arriving at a definition very difficult. Without Intentionality, it argues, "we are left with a paradoxical and useless concept of power... the concept of power becomes vague to the point of meaningless". Also, for a universal concept of power, it must allow for comparative analyses in the form of "A has more power than C in context x" or "A has more power than anybody else in context x" for example. This quote in the question
What are the strengths and weaknesses of a positivist/empiricist approach to political analysis?
WHAT ARE THE STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES OF A POSITIVIST/EMPIRICIST APPROACH TO POLITICAL ANALYSIS? 21-Jan-09 560011924 POL1014A 807 What are the strengths and weaknesses of a positivist/empiricist approach to political analysis? Introduction introduction..... Positivists test their theories through direct observation. They contend that as they intend to answer empirical questions, direct observation will maintain objectivity due to them not considering reasoning and understanding behind the act. Direct observation is a quantitative method. For example if looking at voting behaviour, positivists would observe variables such as if someone votes, their age, race and class. This excludes personal motivation of an individual. From their raw results, positivists can construct correlations between the variables in order to establish a predictive model as to who will vote. This scientific method means that the political scientist's own views and experiences will not bias the results. However, many have criticized the idea that positivist methodology is objective. Within positivism, one of the tenants is that knowledge can only come from experience. Theories can only be compiled and tested if one is seeking to establish a casual relationship from prior experience. For example, if a positivist saw a woman crashing a car he may think that all women are bad drivers. He would then
Since all sorts of gender inequality continues to exist today, and some of the people and institutions that perpetuate the inequality appear unwilling to change, the contemporary family structure could be the starting point to remedy gender inequality in
Obtaining gender equality has been a constant struggle in the United States. Society in America naturally treats men and women differently, with no regard to equity. Consequently, gender inequality is repeatedly taken for granted, whether in the workforce or in the home. It is considered not only an expected social response, but one that is a basic component of social relations. The contemporary family structure is the most fundamental arena where gender inequality and equality are produced and reproduced. It is a central place where children are first taught gender roles and where influential associations built around gender are introduced. Since all sorts of gender inequality continues to exist today, and some of the people and institutions that perpetuate the inequality appear unwilling to change, the contemporary family structure could be the starting point to remedy gender inequality in the United States today, yet this does not occur. Thus, family structure is primarily constrained today by the continuation of gender inequality in society. Gender inequality may well be one of the greatest puzzles of modern society in the United States. We know that males and females are biologically different from the moment of conception and that these differences determine an individual's sex. Individuals' chromosomal and hormonal differences are what physically construct the male and
Does divorce have a huge impact on children?
Does divorce have a huge impact on children? Shirley C. 5380134 Does divorce have a huge impact on children? Put yourself in the shoes of a child that is encountering the separation of their parents. As a child they have to go through the pressure of which parent to choose and confusion of why their parents are not together anymore. Later on the stress can eventually lead them to put all the blame on themselves. Many think the husband and wife are the people being affected by this situation. But what we do not expect is that the children will consequently get affected by the separation of their parents. Most people might believe it is better to divorce than to torture oneself in a failed marriage. Divorce can be a healthy decision for a fail marriage; however this will remain as a traumatic memory for the children. I agree the children do get a huge impact from the divorce. This essay will provide information of how the children can be affected and how the problem can be accessed. Before entering how this issue stress outs the children, the brighter side should be brought out. Divorce is not always necessarily bad. Imagine a family with parents that argue all the time or a family with abusive problem, the result of divorce can be a relief for the children. Hetherington stated if the family is already in a critical condition, it would be a better solution for
